Revolution #175, September 6, 2009
The Unknown Cultural Revolution
Life and Change in a Chinese Village
Q&A: At the Beginning
The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR) in China, from 1966-1976, involved one-quarter of the world's population and took humanity to unprecedented heights in the struggle for liberation. But today, what people mostly hear about the Chinese Cultural Revolution is lies and slander.
Dongping Han grew up during the GPCR and is the author of the book, The Unknown Cultural Revolution—Life and Change in a Chinese Village. His story is a very welcome contribution to the struggle to get the real story out about the GPCR. In December 2008, Dongping Han participated in a very significant symposium in New York City, "Rediscovering the Chinese Cultural Revolution: Art and Politics, Lived Experience, Legacies of Liberation," which was sponsored by Revolution Books, Set the Record Straight Project, and Institute for Public Knowledge-New York University. On December 12, 2008, the opening night of the symposium, Dongping Han spoke at Revolution Books. Revolution is serializing the transcript of this talk as well as the Question & Answer session (which will soon be available in full at revcom.us). Dongping Han has edited this for publication. Bai Di, who also grew up in China during the GPCR, was another speaker at this symposium—and an interview with her is available at revcom.us.
See issue #174 (August 30, 2009) for the transcript of Dongping Han's talk. The following is the transcript of the Q&A session:
Question: When you went around in 1986 and started doing research, when did you and others like you start to see that things were different, that the way Chinese society was, was very different than what it had been during the Cultural Revolution?
Dongping Han: I think people realized right away. The land was privatized in China in 1983. Many people tend to think that farmers are stupid and ignorant. But I think the farmers are very intelligent people. Many of them realized the implications of private farming right away. That was why they resisted it very hard in the beginning. And in my village and in other villages I surveyed, the overwhelming majority of people, 90 percent, said the Communist Party no longer cares about poor people. Right away they felt this way. The Communist Party, the cadres, no longer cared about poor people in the countryside. The government investment in rural areas in the countryside dropped from 15% in the national budget in 1970s to only 3-4% in the '80s. So the Chinese public realized that the Chinese government no longer cared about them by disbanding the communes. But I was in college at the time and I didn't start to think about the issue very hard until 1986.
Question: Can you explain a little bit more how the Cultural Revolution came to your village and what the role was of the rank and file members of the Communist Party in the Cultural Revolution?
Dongping Han: The Cultural Revolution started slowly. Before the start of the Cultural Revolution, there was a call to start to study Mao's works. I talk about the significance of that in my book. The Chinese People's Liberation Army came to the village to read Chairman Mao's works. They held performances in the village. They came to people's home to teach people to read Mao's three classic articles: "Serve the People," "In Memory of Norman Bethune," and "The Foolish Old Man Who Removed the Mountains." They explained to the villagers what these articles were about. After the PLA soldiers left, many school children, like myself, started to teach villagers about Mao's works as well. When the central government announced the beginning of the Cultural Revolution, high school and middle school students left their schools, and began to write big character posters in the streets. The high school students dragged 20 of their teachers to the marketplace and denounced them publicly and shaved off half their hair in front of a big crowd. I do not think that most people knew what the Cultural Revolution would be like at the beginning.
Many students began to publish newspapers and pamphlets. There were so many pamphlets at the time, criticizing government officials. In the beginning they were mostly written by students. Not long after this, farmers and workers began to write them as well. There was so much information going on at the time. Later on, there was a group of high school and middle school students from my county that traveled all the way to Beijing to see Chairman Mao. When they came back in August 1966, they began to organize into different Red Guard factions. They started to organize mass rallies to criticize the county and commune leaders. All officials were under some kind of popular scrutiny and attack at the time. Almost everybody, I would say 90 percent of the population, was part of a mass organization.
I was in third grade at that time. Five of my friends and I also organized a Red Guard organization. We designed our Red Guard symbols and began to publish a single page newspaper. We collected enough money to get a hand printer to print our newspaper. In my school there were 13 small newspapers. We would recruit others and write something and go to the marketplace to distribute it to the people. That's how it started. There were big character posters everywhere. The village streets were plastered with big character posters, mostly criticizing village leaders. Before the Cultural Revolution, the village leaders had a lot of power. They normally didn't work in the field and they would eat and drink a lot at the village's expense. And the Cultural Revolution held them to task. That's how it started actually.
In all these activities with the big character posters, all were written by the farmers themselves. And I remember some of the farmers who didn't know how to write. They came to us, they came to the school kids, and we would write it for them. So it was a very mobilizing movement. Everybody in the village was touched by that.
One of the most important things that I think about today is that the reason the officials are corrupt today and were not during the Cultural Revolution years is because the masses were really empowered. There was always a mass meeting every night and all the government policies and directives were read to the farmers. And it was required by the government at the time. They were read to the farmers and then the farmers discussed these documents, so everybody knew what was going on and why. The reason why the Chinese people were eager to read and willing to recite Mao's works at the time is because they found what Mao said represented their best interests. And Mao said what they wanted to hear. For example Mao's article, "To Serve the People" is only one and a half pages long. But in this short article Mao elaborated on how a communist official should behave. A communist official shouldn't have any self interests. He should work for the people and serve the people. They should care about the poor people and the farmers. They should welcome criticism. If they were not doing something right, they should change it for the sake of the people. This is all something the farmers never heard and they wanted to hear.
Question: Why during that time, during those 10 years of the Cultural Revolution, was there no effort made to purge the Communist Party of the right-wing capitalist roaders? Why was nothing done to purge the different apparatus of the Party of the capitalist roaders?
Dongping Han: That's a very good question. This question has been asked many times. The Cultural Revolution was not to purge people, it was to educate the people. Many of the capitalist roaders had fought for the revolution and made important contributions to the Chinese revolution. It was an accepted traditional idea that those who fight for the revolution should enjoy the privileges when the revolution succeeded. It was not enough to purge these people. The problem was the old traditional ideas. So the Cultural Revolution was to do away with the traditional ideas and educate the people through mobilizing the farmers and the workers. I think if there was no coup in 1976, I doubt that this government apparatus would have changed by itself. It happened because there was a coup. But I don't think to purge people is a solution either. I remember during the Cultural Revolution there were some high officials in my county who encouraged their own children to work with the farmers and to ask for the most difficult assignments and tasks to build their character. It seemed that these high officials did change with the change of social climate during the Cultural Revolution years. But when the social climate changed, they changed back.
Most people were not aware that there was a coup in 1976. Mao's wife and three other important leaders were arrested. And there was a very extensive purge throughout China. Hundreds of thousands of people who supported the Cultural Revolution were arrested right away. Some people argue that Mao should have killed Deng Xiaoping and a few others to prevent the arrest of the Gang of Four. Maybe he should have, but he did not.
Question: I really enjoyed hearing your speech. My question is: could you paint a picture comparing what the average daily life was like for you and your family during the Cultural Revolution compared to, on the one hand communism before the Cultural Revolution, and then compared to your family now in capitalist China?
Dongping Han: The Cultural Revolution was launched because the Great Leap Forward1 failed. It failed partly because there was a 100-year natural disaster on the one hand. On the other hand, it failed because communist officials in the villages were not really socialist yet. They ordered farmers to do too much and they themselves didn't want to work hard. There was not enough to eat during the Great Leap Forward because of the natural disasters on the one hand and mismanagement on the other. So the reason I think the Cultural Revolution was launched by Mao was that he realized at the time that the Chinese officials needed to be educated and that the Chinese people needed to be educated through a socialist movement. That's why he mobilized the Chinese farmers to criticize the officials in the village. And of course, I was too young, I don't remember too much about the Great Leap Forward. But during the Cultural Revolution, I remember very well. I was working in the fields with the farmers and at that time in the rural areas, each village had a production brigade, and each brigade was divided into several production teams. In my village there were eight production teams. Each production team had about 40 families. We elected five production team leaders each year. We had a production team head, a woman leader, an accountant, a cashier, and a store keeper. Before the Cultural Revolution these people were appointed by the village leaders and the village leaders were appointed by the commune leaders. It was not democratically elected. During the Cultural Revolution years, these production team leaders were elected by the farmers.
We worked in the fields together. Everybody came out and worked together. And at the end of the day the cashier would record how many people worked that day. And at the end of the year, when the harvest came in, the village accountant, together with the production team accountant, would develop a distribution plan. Seventy percent of the grain was distributed according to how many people you had in your family. Thirty percent was distributed according to how much you worked in the collective. So if you did not work in the fields, you were still entitled to 70 percent of the grain from the collective. That was the distribution on the production team level. There was also distribution at the production brigade level. The village owned many enterprises. After putting away money for a welfare fund, money to purchase new equipment and so on, the village would distribute its income according to how much you had worked in the collective. The collective also produced vegetables, fruits, peanuts and we also raised pigs. These would be distributed to villagers regularly according to the same distribution schedule as grain was distributed. We also purchased fish, wine, cigarettes collectively with the money earned by the village enterprises, and this was distributed to each family on important occasions like Chinese New Year and other holidays. We got almost all our supplies from the collective.
After the Cultural Revolution years, I went to college and my two sisters who used to work for the village, found jobs in a state-owned factory in the early '80s. Now the factory has been sold and my two sisters have been unemployed since 1996. My younger sister is still working in the village, as the village cashier now. My village is doing well compared with other villages. Life has changed dramatically in the countryside. I think for most working class people, life has changed for the worse. Even though they may get more money, they have lost benefits like free medical care and free education of the socialist past. They now have to pay for their education. They have to pay for their medical care. Most farmers cannot afford the medical care. If they are sick for a small problem, they just endure the problem. If they are sick for a big problem, they just wait to die. Many of them say they do not want to leave a big debt for their children by going to the hospital. The medical care is very expensive now and it is beyond the reach of most farmers and working class people in urban areas.
Question: Could you talk a little about what the cultural life was like in your village and how that changed?
Dongping Han: The Cultural Revolution was truly a cultural revolution. The changes that took place in the field of culture were revolutionary. Before the Cultural Revolution, Chinese performing arts were mostly about talented young men and beautiful ladies, kings, generals and so on. That's what the Chinese traditional plays were about. During the Cultural Revolution, there was a surge of a new kind of art. Every village at the time had a group of farmer artists and they played instruments, sang revolutionary songs, danced revolutionary dances, and staged revolutionary plays. There was some kind of performance in the village almost every night. These performances became educational tools. Revolutionary ideas spread because of these revolutionary performances. And it was very powerful. But of course today you don't see that anymore in the countryside. But if you go to China today, you can still see older people singing the revolutionary songs in parks and public spaces to entertain themselves.
Question: In the movies that we see about China and the Cultural Revolution, there is a representation of people being picked up and tried by popular tribunals and paraded around town, punished. My question is: where does this image come from, did you hear about things like this in China, how widespread was this?
Dongping Han: That image was from the Cultural Revolution years. For a few weeks in the beginning of the Cultural Revolution, many Chinese officials were being criticized on the stage. That was very common. I saw it many times. I would say most government officials went through some of that at the beginning of the Cultural Revolution. At the same time, I would argue, many of these people deserved some kind of punishment. They had made mistakes in their work. And because of their mistakes, people suffered. People were looking for ways to air their anger. In the villages, the struggle against village leaders was more gentle and peaceful.
These public struggle sessions to deal with officials who committed crimes and made mistakes were different ways of dealing with these people. After they were struggled with for a day or two, they were allowed to go free. They were taught a lesson by the people. In the U.S. people are sent to prison. I still think this public education during the Cultural Revolution was very effective, not only to educate the village officials, but also everybody else. After the session, they were free. So I don't think that was a bad practice. I think it was a very good practice.
Question: Your presentation was mainly about the Cultural Revolution, but I wonder if you could spend a few moments talking about the situation in China now, particularly the economic crisis and how you think that's working itself out, especially in the rural areas, but more generally?
Dongping Han: The Chinese government is faced with a huge challenge today and the Chinese government officials themselves have admitted that on many occasions. Some people estimate that there are 100 incidents involving more than 100 people challenging the government and 300 incidents involving less than 100 challenging the government each day. I read in a document about an incident in Guangdong province where three police officers stopped a car without a license plate and upon further check they found the driver without a driver's license. But the three people came out the car and yelled that the police are harassing people and about 2,000 people came out. They turned the police car upside down and set it on fire. The government is warning the police to be careful because the tension between the people and the government is very high. And there are a lot of people in the countryside who are very angry with the township government. I was told by a farmer about an incident in a rural township. The party secretary was taking a nap one day. But about 100 farmers ,who were angry with the township government's decision to move the market to a different place, went to his bedroom. They actually dragged him by his four limbs into the marketplace and threw him up into the air for a half hour. They didn't hit him. They just toyed with him for a half hour. In the end the government had to remove him from office because he had become an embarrassment for the government. This happened last year. There was another government official who was beaten by the farmers. The villagers wanted him to take a patient to the hospital. He refused. He said that not everyone could ride in his car. The farmers almost killed him, but the government didn't punish the people who did it. So I think the government realizes how tense its relationship is with the masses.
In the old days, the Chinese government officials came to the village and worked with the farmers. And today they don't do that. They come to the village in big cars, only to get money from farmers and to enforce the one child policy... I think the government has a legitimacy crisis. The Chinese government was able to survive the challenges of the Great Leap Forward posed by unprecedented natural disasters and mismanagement by its officials because of the socialist legitimacy. I don't think it will be able to survive any challenges close that of the Great Leap Forward.
Question: Thanks for coming. I'm really looking forward to getting into your book. I have two questions. First, you mention the coup in 1976. Could you talk about what happened and also how that whole period was being understood where you were? How did people understand the struggle that was going on that led up to right before Mao's death and up to the coup? My second question is: in describing all the upheaval right now in China, what kind of revolutionary thinking is there, are there any trends that are looking towards Mao or towards Maoism, how is that developing, what are the ideas that are capturing people in this period?
Dongping Han: I still remember where I was on September 9, 1976. At 4 o'clock that day, I was walking with my friend outside the village when the loudspeaker said there was a very important announcement. And we immediately realized something was wrong. And they said Chairman Mao had passed away. I don't know how I walked home that day. I remember that everybody around me was crying. Finally I reached home. My father cried all the way home from his factory. When my grandpa died he didn't cry. He gathered the family together and he said, today our poor people's sky has fallen and we do not know what life will be like tomorrow. At the time, I thought, in my heart, how could that be possible? We have built the socialist state. How could the poor people's sky fall just because Chairman Mao died?
It turned out that my father was right. When the Gang of Four was arrested, the Chinese government said the people were really happy. That was not true. In my hometown many young people really respected Jiang Qing because of an incident that happened in a neighboring commune. On Chinese New Year in 1975, the village leader played over the loudspeaker a traditional drama which was criticized during the Cultural Revolution. A young man in the village criticized the village leader for playing that over the loudspeaker. But the village leaders accused him of causing trouble in the village. He called the police and the police took him away. While he was in prison, he wrote a letter to Jiang Qing, and in less than five days, Jiang Qing responded to his letter. Jiang Qing ordered that the person be released. And the village leader was dismissed from office. Young people in my area loved Jiang Qing. When the Gang of Four was arrested a few weeks after Mao died, we knew things were going to be different. We still don't know the details why Hua Guofeng, who was appointed by Mao, decided to arrest the Gang of Four. We didn't know then. Today, looking back, I think Hua Guofeng was the person who was responsible for this. There were some people who have talked about how at the time, before Mao died, Mao had the intention to appoint Jiang Qing to be his successor, and that Hua Guofeng apparently was not supposed to succeed Mao. And I think probably he arrested the Gang of Four not because he had a different agenda, but he had his own personal ambition for power. But I don't think he intended to change Mao's line. But by arresting the Gang of Four, Mao's wife, he had to justify why he arrested these four important leaders. By doing that he had to condemn the Cultural Revolution—because the Gang of Four were the crucial leaders of the Cultural Revolution. And by condemning the Cultural Revolution he paved the way for Deng Xiaoping to come back. Of course, that's what happened. I think that the workers and farmers were not actually, like the government said, happy when the Gang of Four was arrested. Hua Guofeng did two other things after he arrested the Gang of Four. He decided to preserve Mao's body, against Mao's will. That was a popular thing to do at the time. Because the Chinese people, working class particularly, considered Mao their greatest leader. So by doing that they thought Hua Guofeng was still continuing Mao's legacy. And he also announced he was going to publish the fifth volume of Mao's works. That was also very popular as well. He did some very smart things. But he did the most damage by arresting the Gang of Four as well.
In terms of the situation now, it's very hard for me to give you a full picture. Two years ago, Deng Xiaoping's elder son said in response to a question by an Associated Press reporter that the Cultural Revolution was not only tragic for himself and his family, but also for the whole Chinese nation. He said that on December 10, but within 20 days, there were more than 35,000 people who responded to his comment on line. About 90 percent of these responders condemned him for slandering the Cultural Revolution. The Chinese government was able to get away with condemning the Cultural Revolution before. Now it is hard for them to get away with that anymore. It seems that the Chinese people are really waking up about the Cultural Revolution. Now, people say, they lied to us for 30 years. History proves that Chairman Mao was right, from the very beginning. The Chinese officials are very corrupt now. People understand that Mao launched the Cultural Revolution to prevent that from happening. Mao realized before he died that without an empowered working class to serve as watchdogs, the officials were bound to be corrupt.
The crisis in China is very serious. During the Cultural Revolution years, we did not have much corruption. From little corruption to a lot of corruption, people tend to perceive the problem as more serious. To be fair, I think the Chinese officials are not more corrupt than American officials. For example, if The Big Dig in Boston was taking place in China, there would be a huge public outcry, but here there was no public outcry about it at all. People are used to it in the U.S.
Question: When you were talking earlier, you were saying that the 10 years of the Cultural Revolution were the most exciting of your life. Could you give some examples of that spirit that you felt?
Dongping Han: The way that I felt at that time was that I had a strong sense of security. I was not alone in this world. My neighbors, my production team leaders, the village leaders would take care of anybody if they needed help.
In 1998, one of my friends who worked with me committed suicide. When I received the news from my village I cried. The reason I cried was because I felt that if the collective had not been disbanded he would not have died; he would not have committed suicide. And this person was about my age. When he was young, he couldn't get up early in the morning. So every morning my production team leader told me to go to wake him up. When I went to wake him up the first time, he answered me, and got up. The second day, he said, I'll get up but he never got up. So I had to drag him up from his bed. The third day his grandmother was very upset that I woke him up every day. She told me that her grandson needed more sleep. But the production team leader said to me: "Do not mind his grandmother. Wake him up. He needs help." So he came to work with us with my help. He worked every day. He was a very good worker. He was very talented as well. He played the Chinese instrument, the erhu very well and he also painted well. But after the collective was disbanded, nobody went to wake him up anymore. He was able to sleep as much as he wanted. So eventually his wife left him. And by 1996, 1997 he became mentally disturbed. And the last time I saw him was in 1997 when I went back home. I saw him walking naked on the street. He saw me and ran back home. I followed him to his house. I asked him why he walked naked in the streets. He said that life was bad for him. He did not want to live any more. I told him that he had to change his mindset, that he needed to face the challenges. I asked him why he didn't go back to painting if he could not do anything else. I told him that I would be in the village for another 10 days, and I would like to buy a painting from him. He promised that he would do it. But the next day, he came to see me. He said that he could not do it now. He told me that he would do it for me the next year. I told him that it was him that I was interested in not the painting. I wanted to see him stand up and take control of his life. But three months after I left the village, he committed suicide. He hung himself. When I learned of this news from my younger sister, I cried very hard. I felt that if the collective were not disbanded, he did not need to commit suicide. The community was no longer there. Your friends and your neighbors became competitors and strangers to you. The security network had been taken away. For Americans you're used to this kind of competition. But for Chinese farmers who lived under the socialist system before, the change was too dramatic for many people.
Question: Like everybody here, I really want to thank you for sharing, especially the last story you told. I have two questions. My first question is: the Cultural Revolution sent shock waves around the world. Do you have a sense in your village, how much were you aware of the international situation, the influence this was having internationally?
Dongping Han: That is a very good question. At that time when I was in the village, I really felt we were part of the international revolution. We were young and we were part of a big picture. I remember in 1971 there was a huge drought in our area. The county government held a huge rally in the marketplace. At the rally, government leaders and representatives of farmers and workers said that we were fighting this drought not just for ourselves. We were fighting this in support of the Vietnamese people's fight against U.S. imperialism. We were fighting this drought to support oppressed people in Africa and so on. After the rally, everybody in our school wrote a pledge to join the fight against the drought. The school was closed for two weeks. We went back to the village to fight the drought with the villagers for two weeks. Everybody worked very hard. I felt that I was doing something significant to help the revolution. At that time I didn't really understand what it meant. It was standard language. I believed what we were told by the government that we had friends all over the world. After the Cultural Revolution was over, the Chinese elite told us that it was government propaganda. But it was not simply propaganda. I found this out when I studied in Singapore. When Mao died in 1976, China did not have diplomatic relations with Singapore. So the branch bank of Bank of China decided to hold a memorial service for Mao for three days. Ordinary Singaporeans and seaman from all over the world came to show their respect for Mao day and night. The line was so long, the staff at the Bank of China had to extend the memorial service from three days to ten. I realized then that our fight in China was connected with the struggle of oppressed people all over the world.
Question: This is a kind of a follow up question to what was asked earlier. I know that the Cultural Revolution went through different phases. And in the year or so that led up to Mao's death and then the coup, it was in a different kind of phase, it wasn't a high tide of big character posters and demonstrations all the time. But there were those of us who were out in the world and the world revolution looking to China and reading things. And I read a magazine a lot that was called Peking Review at the time. And you talked about the effect of Mao's essay, "To Serve the People" in the villages. But there were things in Peking Review that were kind of telling people in the world that Mao wasn't going to cut off the head of Deng Xiaoping. But he was saying very sharply that there were two lines at the top of the Chinese Communist Party. I remember there was a thing on the cover that said, "You are making the socialist revolution and you don't know where the bourgeoisie is. It's right at the top inside the Communist Party, the capitalist roaders taking the capitalist road." It talked a lot about the difference between the capitalist road and the socialist road. Was there any sense of that? How did people receive that in the village? Or had the Cultural Revolution gone to a point where those things weren't really being heard?
Dongping Han: I talk about it in my book, what does it mean, the capitalist roader? Some have a hard time understanding this. But for the Chinese farmers, the workers, it is easy to understand. The words "capitalist roaders" were used all the time during the Cultural Revolution and two line struggle was always talked about during the Cultural Revolution years. The capitalist roaders were the people who did not want to continue the socialist revolution, who aspired to the capitalist lifestyle and who didn't want to work. They became parasites. There were very clear examples in the village before the Cultural Revolution years. They didn't work. And they got more. Their families got more back but they didn't work for others. The farmers knew exactly what they wanted. They wanted the leaders to work with them. They did not want to go back to the old society. Farmers and workers did not want to go back to the old capitalist society of the past. They did not want to do private farming.
Question: Do you have a sense of any organized movement today among the workers and peasants?
Dongping Han: I don't know much about this. But there are some various small groups working to get people organized. In one province in early 2000 there was a group of young people, farmers, who organized a group around Marxism and Maoism. And the government arrested about 200 leaders. I heard that the group grew very fast, to more than 2,000 people in a matter of few months. The Chinese government keeps a very close eye on these people. There have been some people who have tried to organize demonstrations and protests. There are some things like that. But I don't see nationwide strong organization at this point.
Question: Are there rumors or reports of large rebellions in China fighting against the police? Can you tell us the extent of this and what the reason is?
Dongping Han: The New York Times reported a couple of years ago about two large protests in Sichuan province against the government. A migrant worker who worked in the city as a porter was carrying stuff in an urban street. He was carrying a pole and going through the streets. His pole touched a woman. And the woman was angry with him and slapped his face and then called her husband. Her husband was a low-level government worker and came to the scene in a government car. He beat the man again. He said that he could kill the man and it would only cost him $20,000. And all the onlookers heard him and became very angry. About 100,000 gathered up and set his car on fire. They marched to the local government and surrounded it for three days. The government had to send about 100,000 police to pacify the crowd. And a couple of months later, also in Sichuan province, there was a fight for land and the report said that the farmers actually held the provincial governor for a couple of days. And the government had to send a large number of police to pacify the farmers. I think this kind of thing is going on a lot in China, mostly not reported to the outside world. As I said before, the tension with the government and the government's ability to deal with these kinds of things is more and more limited. In the eyes of the people, the government is on the other side, the rich people's side, and is trying to suppress them. So I think this kind of rebellion is going on quite widely in China today.
Question: I heard of one instance of an expropriation of an economic development, that they moved people off the land so they could build a factory.
Dongping Han: That kind of thing goes on almost everywhere in China. The Chinese local officials want to make more money. They always want to open new development zones. So whenever new development zones are being developed, the residents have to be moved and they sell the land to the developers. So in many cases the people don't want to move and the local officials hire thugs to force them to move. And in many cases the farmers fight back. So the contradiction between the farmers and the local officials is very serious in China today.
Question: I want to step back to your experience in the Cultural Revolution, in 1966 you were 11 years old, you traversed from 11, you grew up, came of age. You describe how the People's Liberation Army came and read these three articles; the people saw their interests represented and everything changed and the entrenched officials were challenged and you as a young person were writing the big character posters and all that. You were able to go to school, you grew up and became an educated youth in the countryside, and yet there was this political campaign that was going on for 10 years. How did this intersect with you, how much were you continuing to follow it?
Dongping Han: My whole value system was changed very dramatically. Before the Cultural Revolution, my father never allowed me to talk back to him; that's how the Chinese family was. He never allowed me to talk back to him. Whenever there were guests in the house I was never allowed to say a word. But during the Cultural Revolution years that changed. I said, "Chairman Mao said I can talk back to you!" But many people in this country think that the revolutionary campaign is an interruption of life. No. The revolution did not disrupt most people's lives, particularly in the village. During the day most work continues, and at night people went out to the streets and there was a lot of debate; different groups debate in the streets. My cousin and I went to shops at the beginning of the Cultural Revolution to propagate Mao's ideas. The government-owned shops extended their hours until 10 at night at the time. So we went to the shops to read Mao's teachings and perform the plays, and so on. We loved that.
I do not know how to describe the change in the rural areas. Maybe I can give you an example to illustrate the change. Before the Cultural Revolution years, people in my area never gave blood to anybody. If you needed a blood transfusion, you went to your family: your wife, your father or your brothers. People thought that if you gave blood to another person, you would lose your own vitality in life. But one day, one of my colleagues was sick and needed a blood transfusion. Most of the factory workers were working in fields harvesting. It was a busy time in the village. Twenty young people who were working in the village went to the hospital. The nurses checked our blood types. I was the only person who qualified to give the blood. I knew at the time any one of the 20 people would give their blood to save my colleague. The village party secretary asked me what to do. I said that we needed to save the patient. They took more than 700 cc from me and after that I couldn't walk and they had to take me home in a wheelbarrow. And the next morning I woke up and my mom and my two aunts were all crying. They actually cried the whole night. They thought I wouldn't be able to get married, nobody would marry me. But life changed, and it wasn't just me. All the people who went to the hospital that day would have happily given blood to that person that day.
Whenever there was a storm, even at midnight people would get up to cover the collective crops. If it snowed we would get up to clean the streets. We did not have bulldozers. Everybody would get out to clean the streets. Another important change in the rural life was that there were almost no crimes during the Cultural Revolution years. For 10 years, we did not have any crime in the village. In my commune of 50,000 people, I did not hear of any serious crime for 10 years. But now, crime has become so common in China.
Question: Could you compare your daily life during the Cultural Revolution to what the daily life would have been like for your grandparents before 1949?
Dongping Han: My grandparents on my mother's side came from very a poor family. But my grandparents on my father's side owned a lot of businesses at the time. But my grandfather's mom died. He had a rough relationship with his stepmother. So he ran away with two horses from his father. He set up a small factory and did pretty well in Manchuria. He came back to his hometown and got married. Later on he took my father, my aunt and my grandmother to live with him in Manchuria. He was a businessman, and like most other businessmen, he smoked opium and visited prostitution houses. My grandmother was very sick of his lifestyle. So she decided to go back to the village. And she came back to the village without telling my grandfather. And her family in the village thought she came back to the village with my grandfather's knowledge, and expected her to bring back some money to the family. But she did not have money to give her family because she ran away. So my grandmother's family was angry with her so when the family divided up the assets, they didn't give my grandmother anything. That's why my father had to work for the capitalists as a child worker from 1942 until the communists came to power in 1949. The reason why my father was so supportive of the Communist Party was that he had to work 18 hours a day. He had to pick up the capitalists night soil and did household chores beside long hours of work in the workshop. When the communists came to power, the workday became eight hours, so my father's life changed for the better under socialism. My father used to believe in Buddhism. After the communists came to power, he no longer believed it any more. On the Chinese New Year, my mom always asked to kowtow to the gods of the family. My father would always tell me not to do it. He was told that he was suffering because he did something wrong in the previous life. He changed his previous life, but his life suddenly changed for the better with the Communist Party in power.
Both my father and my mom begged before 1949, and were hungry all the time. Both my grandmothers died in their 30s in 1944, without any medical care. But ever since I could remember, I never felt hungry. I always had enough to eat. My father never bought any toys for me when I was young. I often compare my childhood with my son's in the U.S. At the time, we had a lot of kids in the neighborhood to play with and we made toys for ourselves. We played a lot of games ourselves. We worked on the collective farm during the summer, spring and fall. In winter we played popular games in the streets when there was nothing to do in the fields. And I always ask my son which childhood is better. Of course it's very hard for him to imagine. But I strongly believe that my childhood was much more healthy, much more creative than that of my son who has nothing else but toys and video games. We had community, and we learned how to interact with one another; we learned how to build up leadership skills and things like that. And my son didn't have those skills. When I first came to the U.S, I had a class on the Cultural Revolution. And the professor said that Cultural Revolution education was a disaster, and most students in the class agreed with him. In the end, I told the class that I was a product of the Cultural Revolution education. I challenged the whole class to a competition with me to see who is better educated. Nobody was willing to take on the challenge.
1. The Great Leap Forward, launched in 1958, was a movement to revolutionize economic and social relations in China’s countryside. Over the course of three years, peasants organized into communes, which created more advanced collective forms of work, education, health and child care. The Great Leap Forward saw the expansion of industry in the countryside and large scale irrigation and other infrastructure. And it involved the struggle for socialist consciousness, working for the common good and combating feudal, bourgeois and patriarchal ideology. [back]
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