Dispatches: Report from the People's War in Nepal

Part 20:
Red Salute to the West

By Li Onesto

Revolutionary Worker #1038, January 16, 2000

On February 13, 1996, a new People's War was launched in Nepal, led by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), aimed at sweeping away imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism. Thousands of men and women participated in coordinated armed raids and attacks throughout the country. And for over three years now, the revolution in Nepal has continued to spread, sink roots and accomplish a lot. All this is a truly inspiring and significant development in the world and for the international proletariat. But it has remained a hidden story for most people in the United States and around the world. And for those of us who have been following the People's War in Nepal, there has been precious, but far too little news of this important struggle.

Now, the Revolutionary Worker has an exclusive story. RW reporter Li Onesto recently returned from several months in Nepal, where she traveled throughout the country with the people's army, meeting and talking with party leaders, guerrillas, activists in mass organizations and villagers--those waging this genuine Maoist People's War and beginning to exercise new people's power. The RW would like to give a "lal Salaam" (red salute) to all the people in Nepal who made this trip possible.

This is the twentieth article of a new series of dispatches from this exciting trip. (See RW #1014-#1020, #1022-1024, #1027-1029 and #1032-1037 for Parts 1 through 19.)


We've been traveling in Rolpa, Rukum and Solyan for almost a month, and now we are heading back to the area where we started this journey in western Nepal. Today we're going through some beautifully terraced land that is greener than many of the other areas we've been in. Much of the time we're walking through a wide valley, so the going is easier--without so much climbing up and down. Along the way, we come across a large stone monument that has been built to the revolutionary martyrs. It has been defaced by the police.

Nearby, some villagers come out to greet us and take us over to see a small hut that now has some special meaning to the people in this village. The police regularly come through this village and harass the people. So some guerrillas came and booby-trapped a bench outside this small shack. They told people in the village to stay away from the bench. For about a month, everyone, even the small children knew not to go near the hut. Then finally, some police came through and the peasants held their breath, waiting for them to sit down to rest on the bench. The people had hoped that a whole bunch of the police would be hit by the mine when it went off. But unfortunately, they tell me, only two cops were there when one of them eventually sat down on the bench. So only one was killed, the other injured. But the people are proud of this attack on the enemy, and some of the villagers pose in front of the bench for a photo.

By mid-morning we reach a village in Rolpa where our last mass meeting has been organized. The comrades set up an area outside with red banners on the walls and party leaders, cadre and masses from the surrounding area start gathering in the late afternoon.

The local cultural team opens up the program. And, as I watch a young dancer twirl gracefully to the music, I think about all the "welcome" and "farewell" programs that have been organized for me in the last several weeks. I'm sure these meetings have not been easy for the comrades to organize.

Deep in the guerrilla zones, people had to travel in dangerous conditions--sometimes walking for hours in the dark. And all this had taken place during the elections--a most intense period in which the government has flooded this region with thousands of police. Families have come to tell me about loved ones killed by the police--wanting the world to know about the crimes of the enemy. Squad members have come--fresh from encounters with the enemy--anxious to have me record their success in my notebook. Party leaders have spent hours with me, telling in great detail what it means to wage a Maoist People's War--confident that this news will build support in other countries.

Now, at this last program in Rolpa--when it comes time for me to address the crowd--I share, once again, my message of proletarian internationalism on behalf of the oppressed masses in the United States:

"I am very far from home. But I feel like I have a new home, among so many good comrades, here in Nepal. I am living and traveling in a war zone, where there are many dangers. But I feel very safe with the people's army. I do not speak Nepali. But more importantly, we speak the same revolutionary language of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism--we have the same dreams of a better world."

The program finishes at 8:30 p.m. and, by this time, everyone is ready to go inside to escape the darkness and cold--and to get a warm meal. Then a bunch of us sit around talking. The comrades I have been traveling with know that my time in the West is coming to an end, and they have a long list of questions they want to ask me before I leave. After weeks of interviewing so many people, tonight it is my turn to answer questions. The comrades want to know what it's like in the United States. They want to know what kind of mass struggle is going on, and why I think it's possible to make a revolution in such a powerful imperialist country. They also want to talk about the international situation and the prospects for revolution in the world. Once again, it strikes me how much these comrades see the People's War here as part of the worldwide struggle for revolution.

The next morning there are several hours of interviews lined up for me.

One comrade who comes to talk is from a leading area party committee in Rolpa. He recounts a story of how the masses developed their confidence and determination in fighting the enemy:

"During Kilo Sera 2, 77 police came into this village and went door-to-door looking for people. One area committee member and one party member, two brothers, were arrested and tied up with rope. The younger brother got his hands untied and was able to run away. There were many police in the area and six police chased him. The older brother was shot and badly injured by the police, but he managed to escape and he hid in a small cave. The police looked for him all day but couldn't find him. Party cadre knew about the cave, and at night they went to get him and took him to a safe place. The police blocked the paths for two days and searched the village and the jungle but the comrade escaped. This incident made people see that it is better to resist when the police come and not just let them arrest you.

"If the enemy comes viciously, we resist strongly. If we are afraid, the enemy will not retreat, but will increase their repression. During the government's Kilo Sera 2 campaign, the police came to attack us. But the masses resisted strongly, the enemy was forced to retreat, and now the place is in our hands."

A Proletarian Fighter

Twenty-nine-year-old squad commander "Tamil" sits down next to be interviewed and I ask him to tell me about his life, how he came to join the People's War. Over 90 percent of the people in Nepal are peasants. But the story Tamil tells me shows how some peasants have found their way into the revolution through their experience as proletarians:

"My family is very poor, so when I was 15 I went to India to find work. I lived there eight years, working as a laborer in the countryside, collecting raw material for medicine. Later I went to the city and worked in a factory making plastic bags. I also worked in a steel factory as a security guard. And I worked in a chocolate factory and a pencil factory. The wages were very low, about 400 rupees (about $6.00) a month. Legally we were supposed to work only eight hours, but we had to work 12 hours. When we worked more than 12 hours, we were paid very little for the extra hours.

"In 1994, I came back to Nepal and lived here one month. During this time I was in contact with the local party leader, who told me about the party. But at the time, I was not that influenced by them and I decided to return to India. I lived in India this time for five months. I worked picking and hauling apples, and then the season was over and I came back home in 1994.

"I visited the same party leader when I returned, and we talked for a long time, many times about the party. The local leader talked about how the people are oppressed and how the usurers and other reactionaries in the village exploit the people. He also talked about how youth are exploited when they have to go to India to work. He talked about how we have to fight against the class enemy to make a better life. I thought about all this and became very influenced by the party's politics and was interested to know more about the party's plans to start a People's War.

"I got involved in the party's activities and in 1995, I joined the YCL (the Young Communist League). This was a time of sharp class struggle in this area, leading up to the initiation, and I was very actively involved. The first action I was involved in was an attack on a local exploiter. I was charged with a case from this action and was forced to go underground.

"At the time of the initiation, I was a member of a fighter group and was involved in the raid on the Holeri police post. Then in the Second Plan, I became a member of the first squad that was formed. I took part in the raid on the Piuthan Lung police post in 1997 and many other ambushes, mining actions and arms seizures. Six months ago I became a squad commander."

The Struggle in Jarjarkot

Several other people come by to talk and, by the time we are done, it is mid-afternoon and we are in a hurry to leave so we can travel in as much daylight as possible. We walk for about five and a half hours, and by the time we start looking for some place to stay for the night, it is very dark.

In Nepal there is a tradition among the peasants to give strangers food and shelter. Even if they are very poor, the peasants share what they have. The comrades sometimes will find a shelter where the people will welcome and gladly give food and a place to sleep to Maoists. But in this case, the comrades decide not to reveal our politics since we are in somewhat unfamiliar territory. We just say we are travelers who need some food and a place to sleep.

We knock on one door and two brothers let us into their small house. There is a fire going, and we huddle around it to get warm. The meal is simple--wheat porridge and dried vegetables--but I'm very hungry and the meal tastes very good. After we eat, our hosts give us a few blankets to spread out on the floor and we lie down to sleep.

We are back on the trail again by 5:15 a.m. and reach our destination by 9:30 a.m. When we first arrive, Rauchana, the squad member who was the first woman comrade to be my aide, comes out to greet us. I am very surprised and happy to see her. Then inside, there are more nice reunions. The Central Committee comrade in charge of this guerrilla zone, the District Committee Secretaries of Rolpa and Rukum, and other comrades whom I have met with over the last month have gathered here for a final evaluation meeting.

Some other party leaders have also come to be interviewed, including the District Committee Secretary of Jarjarkot--one of the districts here in the west where the People's War is very strong. I didn't have time to visit Jarjarkot, which is northeast of Rukum, so the DCS has traveled many hours to come tell me about the work in his district. He says:

"The main political contradiction in our district is between the people and the ruling party, the Nepali Congress (NC). And with the revisionist UML (Communist Party of Nepal, United Marxist-Leninist) becoming closer to the NC, things are also sharpening up with them. But supporters of NC are becoming attracted to the CPN (Maoist), and there are inner-party contradictions within the NC, UML and RPP (the reactionary Rashtriya Prajatantra Party).

"There has been vicious oppression in Jarjarkot. The government claims 50 percent voted in the elections but in reality much of the votes were forced by the police--people were afraid.

"The main economic contradiction in our district is between big usurers/cheaters and the people. There are hardly any landlords in our district, and because of the People's War, many of the local reactionaries have left the villages or become inactive. But the government still uses these forces against the people. They live in district headquarters but sometimes return to cause trouble for the people. The government is also using new forces--police come into the village and try to force people to act as spies. The party has been able to stop some of these people through struggle or with threats. We take action against those who don't stop working for the enemy."

The comrade tells me that in Jarjarkot, as in Solyan, the influence of the party was not very strong before 1990. A lot of good work was done after 1990, and the party and mass organizations grew, leading up to 1996, when the People's War started. After the government responded with vicious repression, many people became afraid and stopped supporting the party. But the comrades were able to reverse this. One of the key things in turning the situation around was organizing the people to hit back at the enemy in a well-planned, effective and strong way. The comrade describes some of how this revolution/counter-revolution /more revolution dialectic has gone:

"In March 1998, there was an ambush by the people's army in district headquarters. One police was killed and three other police seriously injured. During Kilo Sera 2, in Ragda VDC the people's army did a mining ambush in which two police were killed and two were seriously injured. During an election, a squad attacked a NC propaganda team and killed one and injured two. In an ambush in Laha VDC, one police was killed and one was injured. There have been many other smaller actions by the people's army. Since the initiation 15 reactionaries --mainly spies--have been annihilated.

"There is feudalistic thinking among some people, and some people are related to or have ties to the Royal Palace and have influence on the masses. There is also some religious thinking and belief in spirits and gods and witches. This kind of thinking is stronger here than in Rukum and Rolpa, and this creates some political difficulties. Most people have some religious thinking, even if they don't support the government. People accept the economic concept of communism easier than the ideology of communism. And the reactionaries wage propaganda against Maoists, saying, `They don't believe in god, they destroy temples, etc.' Among the masses, there is some resistance to breaking feudal traditions, but gradually people are accepting new things.

"The method of attack by the police is to encircle and surprise. On one day police posts combine to attack a particular village, and then on another day they will do the same to another village. The government sees Jarjarkot as a doorway to the far western part of the country. This area is geographically favorable to the People's War and the police are burning the forests here as a way to attack the revolution.

"The government repression has affected our ability to get shelter and our communications and this is a big problem. Some people who have been afraid of police repression have left and gone to India. If the police know about people who give Maoists shelter and food, they will arrest and/or kill them. The families of full-timers are constantly harassed by the police. The police capture food grains from the farms of full-timers. Police also confiscate the land of families and tell the people they will be killed if they farm on the land. Then the family has to either leave or become more involved in the party. Many times, the young people join the People's War while the old people and children have to leave and live somewhere else. The party is helping some of these people. But it is hard to solve this problem because there are more and more of these type of people that need support. If we wage strong military actions and create a power vacuum, this problem will be solved with people's power in our hands."

Lal Salaam to the West

Today is my last day in Rolpa, and I'm happy to spend my last days in the west with comrades who are leading the struggle here.

Revolutionary newspapers are "illegal" here--to be caught by the police with them would almost certainly mean being arrested, if not shot on the spot. But someone has managed to smuggle some precious copies into this area, and many of the comrades have been sitting around, eagerly devouring and savoring each page.

Someone has also brought a small collection of xeroxes that people have been studying. There are readings from bourgeois military books (mainly from India, but also one from the U.S.). There are also several books on the history of the Chinese revolution, including Han Suyin's Morning Deluge and William Hinton's Fanshen. And I am happy to see two books from the Maoist comrades in the United States--And Mao Makes Five (a collection of documents and articles from the Cultural Revolution in China) and Phony Communism is Dead...Long Live Real Communism" by RCP Chairman Bob Avakian.

My time here in the west--the eye of this storm of People's War--has been quite an experience in so many ways. It has been a tremendous learning experience talking to so many people on the frontlines of the People's War here. I feel like I have not only learned a lot of basic facts about how the People's War is advancing--but I have also been able to get a real sense of the People's War--by traveling, living, and talking with the party comrades, the people's army and masses. And being in the west--the most sensitive area in terms of the enemy--has given me a taste of war conditions.

In our evaluation meeting, the comrades ask me what I have learned on this trip. I tell them how I have been particularly inspired by the role of the youth, women, and the oppressed nationalities. I talk about how the families of martyrs have given me a real sense of the strength and determination of the masses to win--even in the face of vicious repression. And I tell them that I have learned that this People's War is not only about destruction of the enemy and the old exploitative society--but also about revolutionary construction. I have seen how the People's War is developing the seeds of a new society; how the masses are breaking with feudal traditions and social relations and creating a new revolutionary economy and culture.

I also tell the comrades that I have been very impressed with how much they have advanced the military theory and practice of waging this People's War--in just a short period of only three years. They have gone from primitive "fighter groups" to squads, platoons and larger task forces. They have developed from small attacks to more developed military raids and ambushes.

We talk about how the situation is at a very critical point right now. The government is compelled to step up their efforts to crush the People's War, exactly because of all the advances and achievements by the revolution--especially the development of power vacuums in areas where the reactionaries have fled and the police are afraid to come in. The police posts are being centralized in many areas, which will mean that the People's War will be confronted with very large groups of police. So far, the national police have been the ones sent against the People's War, but there has been talk in the government about sending in the Nepali army. All this will require a leap in the military capacity of the people's army--in the size of military groups (from platoons to companies); in the level of military actions; and in the quantity and quality of weapons. I think that in the near future there will be some major moves by the government against the People's War--and this will require a big leap in the capacity of the people's army as well as the whole party leadership, mass organizations, etc. This will also make it more urgent for there to be international awareness of the situation and the building of international solidarity and protests against the reactionary moves against the People's War.

Before we leave this last village, the comrades gather outside for a final farewell. One of the Central Committee members here refers to my visit as a "historic first"--I am the first visitor from a fraternal revolutionary movement to come and witness the People's War in Nepal first hand. All the comrades say my trip has inspired them, and they reiterate how important it is now for me to take what I have learned and make it known to the international proletariat. They have great hopes that I will tell the world about their struggle and help build international solidarity.

We leave at noon and, a bit later, arrive at the village school where about 100 people have gathered. The local villagers heard that we were going to come through here on our way out and they want to greet me. The local party leader presents me with some farewell words and gifts. Then we shake hands with everyone--many have brought garlands of flowers to put around our necks.

On our way out of the Rolpa/Solyan districts, the comrades proudly point to a tall, pointed mountain peak, not too far away. It is where the government's Jimpe Communications Tower used to be--before the people's army raided it, injuring two police and seizing a number of rifles and ammunition. As the sun begins its descent over this scene, I note this as a fitting image for my exit and mark the sight, sound and feel of this moment in my memory.

Leaving the west is such an intense parting. I have grown so close to the comrades here. I have gone up and down so many mountains with them, sat down together for so many meals, shared sleeping space on clay floors, so graciously given to us by peasants, talked, laughed and discussed, late, into so many nights. When we say our final "lal salaams" I feel sad to be leaving these comrades. But they have strengthened me in so many ways. And I feel excited in my determination to tell the world about how the comrades here are shining a bright light on the road forward for the masses of people around the world.

To be continued.

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