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BOB AVAKIAN 
REVOLUTION #49: 
To respond, or not to respond, to opportunist attacks—that is the question.

As a matter of basic principle, and fundamental orientation, our approach, as revolutionary communists, is to work consistently to unite all who can be united, on the broadest possible and most principled basis, in the fight against the injustices and atrocities perpetrated by this system—and, at the same time, to actively promote and take part in principled discussion and debate about what is the fundamental source of all these outrages, and what is the fundamental solution to this.

But there is the matter of unprincipled attacks that involve lies, slander, and distortion of what we are all about. And there is the question: to respond, or not to respond, to these attacks—and how does that relate to our basic principles and methods, and fundamental goals?

I have noticed that, beyond just the usual anti-communist distortions and other mindless slanders against us, especially since 2022, when we united with others in Rise Up 4 Abortion Rights to mobilize tens of thousands of people in opposition to the Supreme Court’s move to rip away the right to abortion, the attacks on us have become more rabid, including by people posing as “woke,” “progressive,” or “socialist.” And, once again recently, there has been an increase in the off-key chorus of such attacks.

There is the ridiculous, intellectually lazy and cowardly slander that we are “a cult.” I have spoken to this extensively before, including in message number Thirty-Seven, and I am not going to waste time here dealing further with that.

Some of the attacks have contained the kinds of crude lies that suggest the involvement of Democratic Party and government operatives in these attacks (or, in any case, they are the types of attacks such operatives would be likely to make and would welcome). Something that has to be taken very seriously is that there is a whole, well-established history of government operatives posing as part of “the movement”—or making use of people who are—in order to establish a basis and an atmosphere that makes it easier for the government to bring down vicious repression against forces that actually pose a serious challenge to the ruling class. (And there are functionaries within the government who can recognize the potential for genuine revolutionary forces to rapidly and significantly increase their influence and organized strength in a situation where the contradictions of this system are greatly intensifying.)

Some attacks on us appear to have more substance, including critiques and polemics by people posturing as the “real” communists. This involves distortion of the theory, goals, principles and methods of the new communism I have developed, drawing from the experience of previous communist revolutions and a broad range of human experience.

Some of this takes the form of sniping at us from the sidelines, by people who have given up on the possibility, but not the pretense, of revolution and are seeking to sabotage the efforts of those of us who have not given up and are actively working for revolution in this crucial time. This has included the approach of “damning with faint praise”: a crude masquerade of appreciation for the new communism serving as the cover for an attack on the new communism— and, as a concentrated expression of that, an attack on me for the way I am continuing to develop and apply the new communism and providing leadership for the revolutionary process.

We are always anxious to learn from any actual mistakes we have made, and our orientation in this regard is that expressed by Mao Zedong, leader of the Chinese revolution, in a discussion with American civil rights leader W.E.B. Du Bois: We have made many mistakes, Mao said, but the one mistake we have not made is to give up.

We are fully aware of—and I have devoted myself to, and led, a process of extensive scientific analysis regarding—the reversals of the communist revolution, and the difficulties of this revolution, especially in the period since the late 1970s: a period marked by the fact that there have been no successful communist revolutions anywhere in the world, and instead there have been significant defeats and setbacks. We are also aware of—and we have a great deal of practical experience with—the particular difficulties that are involved in winning to revolution the masses of people that are required for a revolution to have a real chance in a powerful imperialist country like this. But we also understand scientifically that revolution represents the fundamental solution to the terrible suffering of the masses of humanity and the terrible situation confronting humanity as a whole— and we recognize that a revolution in this country would make a profound contribution to the emancipation of people everywhere.

With this orientation, we are determined to seize on, and not squander (waste and throw away) the “rare time” now when this revolution is not only urgently necessary but is possible—yes, even in this powerful capitalist-imperialist country (something I have spoken to in these messages, particularly numbers Eight through Eleven). It is an obvious truth that not every potentially revolutionary situation has led to a revolution; but the even greater truth is what a crime it is when real, or supposed, revolutionaries fail to recognize, or even look for, the possibility of revolution when that possibility (not the certainty but the possibility) exists.

The reason for the opportunist attacks on us is not that we have encountered difficulties and made mistakes in the course of working for the revolution that represents the fundamental interests of the masses of people. No, what most disturbs these opportunists is that we are serious about working for an actual, truly emancipating revolution, rather than merely positioning ourselves as critics of the established order in order to carve out a “niche” for ourselves within this monstrosity of a system.

It is difficult to determine if any of these opportunist attacks deserve a serious response. The basic answer to the attacks on and distortions of the new communism is the new communism itself—as expressed in these social media messages, in the interviews with me on the YouTube RNL (Revolution, Nothing Less!) Show, and in works, by myself and others, that are available at revcom.us, as well as the online theoretical journal Demarcations (demarcations-journal.org).

And there is the further complication pointed to by Lenin (leader of the Russian revolution of 1917, and a major communist theoretician): It takes ten pages of truth to answer a single sentence of opportunism, because the opportunists have “popular” prejudices and misconceptions going for them and, in some cases and to some degree at least, their positions merge with the prevailing ideas that represent and are promoted by the dominant relations and institutions in society.

At the same time, there is the fact that while the attacks are themselves dishonest—and are not coming from a place of seriously striving for an actual revolution—some of what is raised in relation to these attacks does touch on serious questions of revolutionary theory and practice which have real importance for people honestly seeking an understanding of why truly terrible things are continuing to happen, in this country and in the world as a whole, and what is the fundamental solution to this? With that in mind, while once again emphasizing that the basic answer to these attacks is the new communism itself, in a two-part article at revcom.us, Philosophy and Revolution, I address the substance—the essential content and line of argument— of certain opportunist attacks, and contrast that with the scientific method and approach of the new communism.

That article (in two parts) focuses on epistemology (the theory of knowledge—how we know what is true, and not true) and how that relates to the basic character, objectives, principles and methods of an actual emancipating revolution, as opposed to degraded versions —and dangerous distortions—of this.

In future social media messages, I will be speaking to crucial questions of revolutionary strategy and tactics, including the approach to elections under this system.