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Articles in this issue (scroll down or click to read article below):

  • 85 Down, I Still Have 15 to Go... but Trump Has to Go Now

    A note from C. Clark Kissinger, on the occasion of his 85th birthday

  • Trump Sets the Stage to Steal the Next Election: The Need to Defeat Fascism, the Potential for Revolution
  • Trump Vomits Out Still More Genocidal Racism
  • Dreams in Dark Times: A Benefit for The Bob Avakian Institute at Revolution Books
  • To David French and All Others Who Abhor Trump’s Fascism and Want to Stop It: 

    There IS Someone Who Not Only Foresaw the Strong Possibility of Trump’s 2021 Coup Attempt, but Has Developed an Analysis of Where This Fascism Came from, How to Fight It, and What Should Come Next: Bob Avakian
  • ALERT:

    Fascist Trump Threatens Iran—Grave Danger of War Looms

    No U.S.-Israeli Attack on Iran!

    Support the Iranian People’s Struggle for Justice!

  • From Atash/Fire #171, Journal of the Communist Party of Iran, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist

    Let's Better Understand the Islamic Republic’s Pattern of Repression!  The Global Partnership in Crimes against the Iranian People during January 2026
  • From Atash/Fire #171, Journal of the Communist Party of Iran, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist

    44 Years after the Sarbedaran Uprising The Challenges of Revolutionary War
  • Rolling Stone Disguises Intellectual Cowardice as “Journalism” A Challenge to Engage Bob Avakian’s Work and Think Outside the System
  • The Elephant in the RoomAvakian Derangement Syndrome and Rolling Stone’s Creepy, Curiously Timed Attack on Refuse Fascism
  • Celebrate 250 Years of America? NO! America Was NEVER “Great”We Need an Emancipating Revolution!
  • From RefuseFascism.org:

    One Year of Trump 2.0A Year of Lawless Murder and Boundless Terror

    The Trump Fascist Regime Must Go Now

  • Featured video this week from Bob Avakian:

    They’re selling postcards of the hanging...

    Excerpt from 2003 speech “Revolution: Why It’s Necessary, Why It’s Possible, What It’s All About” 

  • In These Historic TimesDonate to Maintain a Robust Revcom.us!

    $20,000 needed by March 1, 2026

  • Urgent Warning: People Need to Know About and Come Together to Defeat the Fascist Repression Ahead
  • In the 1960s, the Government Spread Lies to Foment Violent Conflict Within the MovementThe Lessons of That Time Need to Be Learned Anew Today
  • “Don’t Talk”—A Fundamental Principle for Resisting Repression and Defending the Rights of the People 
  • U.S. CONSTITUTION: AN EXPLOITERS’ VISION OF FREEDOM—ADDED NOTES (AND BRIEF INTRODUCTION)
  • ARTICLE:

    85 Down, I Still Have 15 to Go... but Trump Has to Go Now

    A note from C. Clark Kissinger, on the occasion of his 85th birthday

    Get This Pamphlet Out Widely

    We urge readers to download and print the pamphlet of this piece by C. Clark Kissinger, think about it and discuss with people you know—and get copies of it out all over, at a time when people are increasingly being compelled by events in the world to search for answers to the crimes and injustices of the system, and to think about what their lives are going to be about. (The PDF is in printer spreads: print front and back to create a pamphlet.)

    Clark Kissinger

     

    C. CLARK KISSINGER has been a prominent organizer, activist, writer, and speaker since the early 1960s. In the early ’60s, Clark was national secretary of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), and he organized the first March on Washington to End the War in Vietnam (1965). He is a revolutionary communist and advocate for the new communism developed by the revolutionary leader Bob Avakian.   

    During my now 65 years as a political activist, I have witnessed many things, three of which I want to single out as being of lasting significance. My appreciation of each of them today comes not so much from my “having been there,” but from an understanding of their significance gained over time, with the help and input of many comrades and friends.

    1. THE SIXTIES

    There is a mistaken impression that “the sixties” was an American phenomenon. What we now call “the sixties,” was actually a global upsurge of resistance and revolution extending from the late fifties through the mid-seventies. It embraced both rebellions in the advanced capitalist countries as well as socialist and anti-colonial revolutions in the Third World. 1968 alone was a year of global rebellion much like 1848. It saw the student-worker revolt in France, the Tet Offensive in Vietnam, the explosion of the Cultural Revolution in China, the massacre of student demonstrators in Mexico, the popular resistance to the Russian invasion of Czechoslovakia, the birth of the Palestinian resistance at the battle of Karameh, the Naxalite rebellion in India, martial law declared in Uruguay in response to the Tupamaros, as well as the urban uprisings in the U.S. following the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. and the growth of the Black Panther Party. (See my chronology of 1968 posted on www.dissident.info.)

    Chicano Moratorium march against war in Vietnam, 1970.

     

    The 1970 Chicano Moratorium was an expression of resistance and defiance against the U.S. war in Vietnam.   

    What is important to take away from the particular experience in the U.S. is what a growing revolutionary situation can look like. It is commonplace for people who were not there, or for people who were there but have been “recouped” by the ruling class, to sneer at how foolish people must have been to think that there could have been a revolution. Really? Let's take a look.

    The first ingredient of a revolutionary situation is a severe crisis in the ruling class that causes it to split and not be able to rule in the old ways. Such a political crisis does not necessarily arise from an economic crisis. In fact, the period of so much intense upsurge in the sixties, during which the ruling class was very much thrown on the defensive politically, coincided with the peak economic power of the U.S. globally.

    Black GI throws back his medal at the Capitol during Dewey Canyon III

     

    Black GI throws back his medal at the Capitol during Dewey Canyon III, 1971.   

    What did happen was that masses of people threw off their superstitious awe of the state and seized the political initiative away from the ruling class. People labeled the police as pigs. Soldiers in Vietnam refused to obey orders and rolled hand grenades into the tents of officers who were too gung-ho. Students burned down dozens of ROTC buildings. Women flat-out rejected the institutions of patriarchy. There were massive urban revolts in the U.S. and a growing Black liberation movement. The state had lost legitimacy in the eyes of millions.

    One result was a furious debate within the ruling class over how to handle the situation and regain control. Should there be a repressive clamp-down or should people be bought off with temporary concessions? The intensity of the struggle eventually led to a situation where both the president and vice president were forced to resign and the country had a president and a vice president who were appointed, not elected. That's what a crisis in the ruling class can look like. (For light entertainment, I recommend people read former Vice President Spiro Agnew's memoir Go Quietly... or Else.)

    The second requirement of a revolutionary situation is a revolutionary-minded people. They don’t have to be a majority, but they do have to be a significant force. In the ’60s there was a great awakening to the reality that the “American Dream” was actually an American nightmare for so many people here and around the world. While there was no deep understanding of what an actual revolution would require, literally millions of people came to believe that the existing system was hopelessly flawed and what was required was a “revolution.” Far from being a social stigma, there was a great deal of approbation for people who called themselves revolutionaries.

    People also began to act on their new self-identity. It was immoral to remain a passive observer. Demonstrations in Washington became so militant that the Nixon administration took to surrounding the White House with a wall of buses for fear that people would storm the seat of executive power. The call to shut Washington down in May of 1971 resulted in such an outpouring that the Army was called in to defend the capital and over 12,000 people were arrested—the largest mass arrest in U.S. history.

    But while we at least had a start on the first two requirements of a revolutionary situation, what we did not have was the third ingredient: a revolutionary party with the determination, the understanding, the plan, the leadership, the organization among the people, and the program for a post-revolutionary society that could both galvanize and lead a successful seizure of power. Even the most advanced force in that time, the Black Panther Party, never sat down and seriously addressed the question of what it would take to actually overthrow the state and lead a new revolutionary society.

    2. THE GREAT PROLETARIAN CULTURAL REVOLUTION

    Few people today are familiar with even the outlines of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR), and it is probably the single most lied about event in world history. It was an amazing ten-year mass upsurge in China led by Mao Zedong to break the power of the entrenched revisionist “communists” who wanted to follow the path of the Soviet Union, a path that would—and ultimately did—lead to the restoration of capitalism. 

    It was my privilege to have visited China twice during the latter half of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. As with the sixties, my understanding of what happened in this momentous world event comes more from study after the fact and from the insights of others, than from my own personal observations. That said, it was still amazing to see with my own eyes!

    While books and films on the GPCR correctly focus on the demonstrations, mass meetings and “big character posters” that were at the heart of the struggle for power, one aspect of the GPCR that is little recognized is that it produced the most massive political education program in human history. At each point, the entire country was mobilized to read and discuss the same major theoretical work. When I was there in 1972, people were studying Anti-Dühring by Engels and in 1975 it was Marx's Critique of the Gotha Program. At one point I kind of naively asked if they really had enough copies of Anti-Dühring for everyone to read. I was told in a rather matter-of-fact way that the state publishing house had just run off another 50 million copies. Now that's taking study seriously!

    Handing out leaflets during January Storm, China.

     

    In Shanghai, the revolutionary workers, with Maoist leadership, were able to unite broad sections of the city’s population. This was called the January Storm.   

    Another often forgotten aspect of the GPCR that impressed me so much were the “socialist new things.” I wrote about these at the time. These were experiments from below in forging new social and economic relations at a local level that presaged what a future communist society might look like. There were places where local communities consciously turned what had been commodities into social services. The use of these services was no longer linked to or exchanged for money earned by the recipients of those services. People used what they needed and contributed to the common weal in other ways. 

    In 1972, I visited a small village near the Daqing oil field in Manchuria. In this village, the women all worked—but in different sectors of the socialist economy. Some women worked in the fields as part of the local agricultural commune. They were paid mostly “in kind” from the crops. Some other women worked in a small local co-op factory that manufactured tacks. These women were paid from the money received from selling their tacks to the state. Finally, some women had jobs in the oil field and were paid cash wages directly by the state.

    The interesting fact here is that all the women worked hard, yet they received quite different incomes that were based on the differing economic productivity of their labor. The women who worked in the fields had the lowest income. The women from the tack factory were in the middle. The women who worked in the oil field made the most, because the productivity of the state-owned oil field was the highest.

    China, during Cultural Revolution: People gathering to discuss a "big-character poster."

     

    People gathering to discuss a "big-character poster," a popular means of political expression and protest during the Cultural Revolution in China, contributing to the atmosphere of broad debate over policy and direction of society.   

    The women in the village were all involved in studying Marx and they were wrestling with a theoretical question: They understood why some of them made more money than others. But did it have to stay this way? They didn’t think so. So, they decided to pool their incomes from the three different sources and divide the money more evenly. This was a startling break with the laws of exchange in a market-based economy. It was, in fact, revolutionary! It was a step toward communism, made by people consciously breaking with the concepts of “cash value” and private ownership as natural and inevitable.

    In the end, the socialist transition to communism was defeated in both the Soviet Union and in China; capitalism was restored. “Living labor” was once again subordinated to “dead labor” (capital as accumulated labor). The slogan “Serve the People” was replaced with the slogan “To get rich is glorious.” The great lessons learned under the leadership of Mao were that the revolutionary seizure of power is only the beginning, not the final goal, and that you cannot “produce your way to communism” by increasing the level of material abundance. The period of socialist transition is much more characterized by intense class struggle over changing economic and social relations that requires a leading core that is consciously striving for a classless society. 

    3. THE BIRTH OF THE NEW COMMUNISM OF BOB AVAKIAN

    Bob Avakian

     

    Bob Avakian, 2014   

    The most important and lasting thing to come from the sixties is the new communism of Bob Avakian. Avakian is the architect of a new framework for human emancipation and is, without question, the Karl Marx of our time.

    The defeat of socialism in the Soviet Union and China presented a big issue to “sixties people.” But Avakian refused to accept the triumphalist conclusions of the propagandists for capitalism. He has now spent over 50 years investigating what actually happened and has upheld the tremendous achievements of the Russian and Chinese revolutions. But he then dug into not only what was done right, but why mistakes (some of them quite grave) were made. With what method and approach did the leaders of these revolutionary societies address the freedoms and necessities they confronted? And how might we today do it differently and far better?

    I will try to lay out what I see as some of Avakian’s important conclusions and insights, but no one should take my observations as “authoritative” and they certainly do not replace the need to actually read Avakian’s basic works.

    The New Communism

     

    What Avakian highlights is the failure to be thoroughly scientific; scientific meaning to bring one’s ideas into correlation with reality and not wishful thinking. Too often, 20th century communism (the “old communism”) fell into an almost religious approach, substituting belief for reality. One striking example was the teleological claim that communism is inevitable. Communism is NOT inevitable; it is possible, there is a material basis for it, but it is not inevitable.

    I think what has impressed me the most in Avakian’s work is his new conception of socialism. Too many people today think of a socialist state as one with a “mixed economy” in which capitalism is restrained by the power of representative democracy while the state guarantees a basic standard of living and medical care for all.

    By contrast, Avakian has built on Marx’s concept of socialism as a period of transition in which the class dictatorship of the capitalist class is replaced by the class dictatorship of propertyless working people and their allies. The conscious goals of this transition are an economy governed by social needs rather than by a commodity market, and an end to the necessity for one section of society to hold institutionalized power over the rest.

    Another way of characterizing these goals was stated by Marx:  the abolition of all class distinctions, of all the production relations on which those class distinctions rest, of all the social relations that correspond to those production relations, and the revolutionizing of all the ideas that correspond to those social relations.

    Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America

     

    But a barrier to masses of people taking up this understanding was the too frequent suppression of critical thinking by the old communism. In contrast, Avakian calls for a socialist society with room to disagree and “air” for people to breathe. While maintaining socialist state power against any violent attempts to restore capitalism, the new socialist state is best characterized as having a solid core with a lot of elasticity. Communists should never fear the truth and should encourage dissent, because all truths can be learned from.

    Avakian points out that contradictions can arise between the people and a socialist state. While the socialist state has to protect the people from external enemies and any forceful restoration of capitalism, the socialist state also has to protect the rights of the people from the state itself. Of particular importance is Avakian’s insistence that communists lead the state mainly through ideological and political influence and not through organizational control. Members of the communist party must be subordinate to the law and the constitution of the socialist state, and are afforded no special privileges by virtue of being members of the party. 

    In particular, Avakian calls not only for the right of people to criticize the state and even call for the restoration of capitalism, but further, the state should in part fund such criticism and also fund the legal defense of persons prosecuted by the state to the same extent that the state funds their prosecution. This is a concept of legal rights that no capitalist state has ever dared espouse.

    Avakian has also sharply criticized the ideas that truth has a class basis (rather than truth being objective) and that working and oppressed people have a special purchase on truth simply by virtue of being exploited or oppressed. From this flowed the faulty idea that just putting working people in positions of power, rather than fighting for all of society to have a deeper understanding of the path to classless society, would solve the problems.

     

    Another example of faulty analysis in the old communism is the idea that the basis for communism is material abundance, from which flowed the idea that a socialist state could just “produce its way to communism.” There is a certain required level of abundance to have a communist economy, but the principal necessity is the change in people’s thinking and social relations—not how much material wealth there is to go around.

    The old communism also did not always do well with issues of internationalism. The goal of communist revolution is not the improvement of the lives of the people in a given country, but rather the global emancipation of humanity from the fetters of capital. As Avakian points out, the principal task of a communist country is to serve as a base area for world revolution. Yet too often communist leaders succumbed to nationalism and concentrated on the interests of their own country.

    Plus, there was a serious failure in the moral underpinnings for communism and the road to get there. The new communism of Bob Avakian is firm in holding that the ends do not justify the means. Crimes cannot be committed on the grounds that they will get us closer to communism. Rather, communist means must always flow from and be consistent with the goals of communism.

    Bob Avakian's Work on Fascism: 1996-2025

     

    Like Marx, Avakian has been a prolific commentator on current events and has provided invaluable guidance. In particular, he has over the last forty years documented and warned of the rise of Christian nationalism and fascism in this country. (Here, see Bob Avakian’s Work on Fascism: 1996-2025.) People in Germany might have had the excuse that “no one could have seen what was coming.” People in this country cannot claim that excuse.

    At the same time, Avakian has looked much more deeply into the path for revolution in developed capitalist countries, and the deadly pull on even the best-intentioned people toward overestimating the strength of necessity and underestimating the freedom that exists to transform that necessity—ultimately leading them to either denying the possibility of, or just sitting and waiting for, a revolution. Instead, what is required is an active analysis of the fault lines of the existing society and constant straining at the limits of the possible with a concrete goal in mind:  the hastening of a revolutionary situation.

    It is important to understand that the body of work that Avakian has created is not an add-on, a refinement, or a particular application of Marxism. Rather it is a qualitative leap in the science itself, comparable to the leap made by Marx. At the time of Marx, capitalism had consolidated state power in America and the major states of Europe, and was spreading across the globe like a metastatic cancer. Humanity had nothing to confront it with save bourgeois democracy, syndicalism, or utopian concepts of socialism, often based in religion. Marx changed all that with a scientific explanation of the capitalist system and what had to be done to abolish it. 

    Today, with the defeat of the great revolutions of the 20th century, the globalization of capitalist production, the existential climate threat to the planet, and the world-wide spread of fascist movements, the old tools of bourgeois liberalism, social-democratic labor movements, and even the best of past communist thought, have been shown to be utterly inadequate to the challenges facing humanity. It is at this point that Bob Avakian has stepped forward to address what has to be done, but with a qualitatively transformed and more scientific, evidence-based method and approach. Avakian has given humanity the tools for its next great leap.

    Like Marx in his time, Avakian is a controversial figure. Marx was considered something of a dogmatist and sectarian by the reformists of his day. To get a feel for this, people should watch Raoul Peck’s film The Young Karl Marx. Yet like other great scientists before and after him, the insights of Marx have proven basically true and have come to both shape our understanding of the real world and alter the course of history.

    Having been witness to this development over many years now, I can say that if you are serious about emancipating humanity then you have to become a student of Bob Avakian. I have to admit that as a student of Avakian, I was often late for class and didn't always make good grades. But I never dropped out of school. Young revolutionaries today have the most advanced revolutionary thought in the world in their hands with their whole lifetimes ahead—and I still have another 15 years. Together, let's run with it!

    There is much, much more, but I would encourage people to dig into Avakian’s many written works such as The New Communism, the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, and Breakthroughs.

    Codicil

    In December 2020 at the height of the COVID crisis in New York City, I was living a few blocks from a major hospital in Brooklyn. Outside the front of that hospital, lines formed daily of people waiting to be seen in the emergency room. Around back, behind the hospital, there was a row of refrigerator trucks for the bodies for which there was no longer room in the hospital’s morgue. 

    While that pandemic crisis has abated for now, the global warming crisis has not. We are now pretty much past the point of no return. For about three billion years, plants, algae and cyanobacteria have been patiently extracting carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, using solar energy to synthesize carbohydrates, and releasing oxygen back into the atmosphere. In the last three hundred years, that whole process has been dramatically reversed, with the burning of fossil fuels releasing carbon dioxide back into the atmosphere in massive quantities, trapping solar radiation in the form of heat. 

    Today, almost everything that moves in commerce (trucks, planes, trains) moves on energy released from the burning of fossil fuels (coal, petroleum and natural gas). Yet at the same time, the amount of energy that falls on the earth from solar radiation is more than enough to meet humanity’s foreseeable needs. So what prevents simply switching to solar energy in place of fossil fuels? The capitalism system.

    Many trillions of dollars of capital are invested in both fossil fuel powered equipment and in the extraction and distribution of fossil fuels. To abandon that, would require the literal destruction of all that capital. The owners of capital have zero incentive to eat that massive loss, and they have the powerful compulsion from competing capital to continue with what they are doing. Only a new communist revolution can change this and put humanity first. This is a basic reality, yet most people find it easier to imagine the end of the world than to imagine an end to capitalism.

    Interrelated with the climate crisis is the destruction of the viability of life for millions of people in their home countries. One result has been the mass migration of people from the global South toward white, imperial Europe and America. The year that I was born, 1940, was the “high water mark” for white people in America. Whites made up 90 percent of the population. Today, whites make up 60 percent of the population, and an even smaller percentage of school-age children. 

    That demographic change in the U.S., combined with the decline of U.S. economic power in the face of global competition and the impact of the movements of women and people of color, has provided the basis for a core of reactionary capitalists to organize a fascist movement. A movement appealing to the preservation of the economic well-being and social superiority to which white, male, Christian Americans feel entitled. Hence the emergence of a fascist movement to “Make America Great Again.”

    The horrors that consolidated fascism will wreak on this country and the world are beyond the imagination of most people. Trump must be driven from power NOW, before it is too late.

    BobAvakianOfficial Revolution #141

     

    Read/listen to this September 29, 2025 social media message from @BobAvakianOfficial.   

  • ARTICLE:

    Trump Sets the Stage to Steal the Next Election: The Need to Defeat Fascism, the Potential for Revolution

    FBI agents at the Fulton County Election Hub and Operation Center, January 28, 2026, in Union City, Georgia.

     

    FBI agents raided an election office at the Fulton County Election Hub and Operation Center, January 28, 2026, in Union City, Georgia.    Photo: AP

    To make revolution, you need three conditions. In the words of Bob Avakian (BA), the first one is this:

    A crisis in society and government so deep and so disruptive of the “usual way of things,” that those who have ruled over us, for so long, can no longer do so in the “normal” way that people have been conditioned to accept.

    Every week, the Trump fascist regime drives this first condition further. And this past week the regime and Trump himself took further big leaps in moving to subvert what is considered one of the main ways that "people have been conditioned to accept" the oppressive and exploitative rule of American capitalism-imperialism: the U.S. elections. 

    These fascists deeply and fanatically believe that only they are the legitimate rulers of this system and they are actively working to rig and steal the next election—without violence if they can, but through violence if they must. What is urgently required are millions of people determined to wrench a livable future for humanity out of this extremely volatile and dangerous situation.

    Election Rigging, Violent Threats and Practice Runs

    Since Trump was prevented from stealing the 2020 election—despite an all-sided campaign which did actually come very close to succeeding—he and those around him have been actively working to steal the next election. On Trump's first day in office, Trump pardoned about 1,500 insurrectionists who violently stormed the Capitol on January 6, 2021 to overturn the 2020 election. In August 2025, Trump asked fascist governors to redraw election maps to openly favor the fascists. He has worked to remake how American elections are run and has repeatedly threatened to run for a third term.

    This has intensified over the last two weeks:

    This week, Trump has repeatedly threatened a federal takeover of elections. This would be a major violation and break with the U.S. Constitution itself, which says that the states oversee the elections. 

    Twice he has said that "The Republicans ought to nationalize the voting.” And he even went so far as to spell out what kind of places needed to be “taken over,” naming Philadelphia, Detroit and Atlanta as incapable of conducting fair elections because they are all “unbelievably corrupt.” These are all majority Black and Latino, and majority Democratic cities. 

    On February 3, the fascist architect and ideologue Steve Bannon said, “We’re going to have ICE surround the polls come November.” And addressing Democrats, he said, “We’re not going to sit here and allow you to steal the country again. And you can whine and cry and throw your toys out of the pram all you want, but we will never again allow an election to be stolen.”

    A leap in this offensive took place on January 28 when the FBI raided an election office in Fulton County, Georgia, and seized 700 boxes of ballots from the 2020 elections.1 In the midst of this raid, Trump himself got on speakerphone with the FBI agents to ask questions and praise them for being part of this outrageous raid. This kind of direct intervention from the fascist commander-in-chief is unprecedented.

    Analyzing what was really going on with this, Marc Elias—an elections lawyer for the Democrats—said

    This is not only the election denialism of 2020... this is about proof of concept for the future. People talk about seizing ballots and surrounding polling places and stealing elections as if somehow these things are easily done. These are conceptual frameworks that people in the administration have to get comfortable with, moral frameworks they have to get comfortable with. They have to contend with the Constitution and the law and judges and all that, but they also have to contend with just the sheer logistics of it all. Like, how do we actually do this thing where there are ballots in the possession of a county official? How are we going to get them and how are we going to then count them in a way that is going to cast doubt on the outcome or cast doubt on the outcome through other propaganda and disinformation campaigns? And I think that this Georgia thing is just as much about that as it is about 2020. And in that respect, we have to be honest: Donald Trump and his administration are pulling something off. They actually did seize ballots. They actually got their hands on them... at the end of the day, Tulsi Gabbard is on a truck full of documents that have been seized from an [election] office. And those are now in the possession of Trump's FBI...

    One of Trump's regrets from 2020 is that he didn't seize the voting machines, and in a recent interview, he openly pondered whether National Guard troops were “sophisticated enough” to impound ballots in the upcoming election. 

    As a vicious climax to the week, Trump posted an ugly racist attack of Barack and Michelle Obama—depicting them as apes—in the midst of a video lying about the "stolen 2020 election." And in all these attacks, there is a vicious and openly white supremacist assault against voting rights for Black people and Latinos. 

    All this is happening in a context in which court rulings that go against the Trump regime are routinely ignored, and in the great majority of cases that get to the fascist dominated Supreme Court, the Court rules in favor of Trump

    Elections: Why They Mean Nothing… 

    What we've cited here just scratches the surface of an onslaught of lawsuits, proposed legislation, blackmail and other maneuvers by the fascists to make sure that Republicans either “win” the election (by preventing people who oppose them from voting, or from having their votes counted), and/or are in a good position to overturn the election results if the fascists lose. 

    This whole situation is politically explosive. Millions are actively opposing this regime in every corner of society. Trump's armed gestapo is murdering protesters without remorse. Meanwhile, Trump is itching to send the U.S. military into city streets and continues to threaten to execute his political rivals. 

    In a country that has relied on the "peaceful transfer of power" as one of the central things that provides this system with legitimacy, openly ripping that away is not a minor matter. We'll speak to this point more below, but first, let's get clear on what elections are, and are not.

    Despite the cover of "freedom and democracy," elections have never been the process through which decisions in this system of capitalism-imperialism get made. But they have been at the foundation of why people go along with this system. You're constantly told that if you passionately oppose the white supremacy and patriarchal oppression of women and LGBT people, if you can’t stomach the mass deportations and wars, if you dread the ongoing destruction of the environment… then you should vote for someone to change all this. But because all this oppression is woven into this system of capitalism and cannot be ended under this system, there can be no real meaningful change brought about through elections.

    The elections do, however, give this system a so-called "popular mandate." They tell you that the elections express “the will of the people.” But the reality is that who you vote for and the questions you hear debated are pre-selected to serve the interests of that same system. You don't change or "control" this system through the elections, but the elections is how you get controlled, confined and channeled—in your thinking, and actions. 

    Just think about the election of 2024 where you could not meaningfully vote against the genocide in Gaza. Because as profound as the differences are between the Democrats and the Republi-fascists, they do have a fundamental unity about the need for their empire (again, even as they have sharp irreconcilable differences over how this empire should be ruled). And whatever else is going on, the American empire needs Israel to play a role as attack dog and military outpost in the strategic region of the Middle East.

    Teaser REVOLUTION 83

     

    Read/listen to this social media message from @BobAvakianOfficial.    @BobAvakianOfficial

    ...And Why (Sometimes) They Could Mean a Lot

    But now that con game is in a crisis.

    The Republi-fascists existentially feel that they cannot preserve the American empire without a sharp break with the "normal" way that U.S. capitalism has functioned for the last 150 years and are determined to smash that whole way of operating. These dangerous maniacs fervently believe that only they, and only their program of open and unconstrained white supremacy, male supremacy, erasure of LGBT people, hatred of immigrants, anti-science lunacy, belligerent war mongering, the crushing of protest and dissent, and decimation of the rule of law—only that recasting of U.S. society is legitimate and can “Make America Great Again.” And the path to achieving this demands defeating, crushing and subordinating—as violently as necessary—their opponents, both in the ruling class and among the people. Elections also have to be “retooled” (assuming they are continued) into an automatic affirmation of fascist rule. (See sidebar for more from Bob Avakian on the roots of this.) 

    In the election of 2020, Bob Avakian called Trump's attempts to steal that election a "rolling coup." The culmination of this all-sided effort was on January 6, 2021 when thousands of crazed fascists violently stormed the Capitol to stop the certification of the vote. When it was over, BA labeled it a dress rehearsal.

    This time, the fascists are determined to succeed.

    This Situation Demands That YOU—That Every Decent Human Being—Step Up Their Commitment to Stop This and Search for a Way Forward Out of This Truly Existential Crisis

    Trump Must Go Now rally marches toward the capitol, November 5, 2025.

     

    Washington, DC, marching to the capitol, November 5, 2025.    Photo: AP/Jose Luis Magana

    No one can predict exactly how this situation will unfold in these next weeks and months—the situation in the U.S., and around the world is extremely volatile. But Trump/MAGA fascism is accelerating, and working overtime to lock down their grip on society and consolidate their fascist program.

    What we can predict is that those who are ignoring or downplaying this danger are marching you to disaster. The Democratic Party and their leading representatives are desperately clinging to the very elections that the fascists are moving to rig and steal. As a ruling class institution, they are working to maintain the stability of capitalism-imperialism and will not risk the upheaval that might be required to defeat Trump fascism. Elias himself, while sounding the alarm that Trump's moves are "terrifying," ended up just arguing that what people should do is protest, keep filing lawsuits, "make a plan to vote, pay attention, and make sure that everyone in your social circles understands what's going on."

    In the face of this fascist warp-speed juggernaut, this is extremely inadequate and profoundly irresponsible. If this regime is allowed to consolidate, it will not just mean absolute horror for masses of people here and all over the world, it could crush any real possibility of resistance, or the struggle for a better future. With the increased danger of climate catastrophe and nuclear war, it's not an overstatement to say that it could even mean the extinction of our species.

    There need to be growing millions recognizing the full fascist program, in sustained nonviolent protest, determined to drive this whole fascist regime from power NOW! People's rights—including their basic right to vote—need to be defended as part of going up against and defeating this juggernaut as a whole. And people broadly need to have each other's backs in the face of the severe repression being brought down by the fascist regime. 

    At the same time, there is great urgency in looking deeper into the very system that has given rise to this fascism, and so many other atrocities, and in looking for answers outside of and beyond this system. For while the situation is full of extreme and very negative danger, there is also the possibility that a revolution to bring a whole new system into being could be wrenched out of all this craziness if through this, the second two conditions for revolution are developed. Again, from Bob Avakian:

    A revolutionary people in the millions and millions, with their “allegiance” to this system broken, and their determination to fight for a more just society greater than their fear of the violent repression of this system....

    An organized revolutionary force—made up of continually growing numbers of people, from among the most oppressed but also from many other parts of society—a force which is grounded in, and is working systematically to apply, the most scientific approach to building for and then carrying out revolution, and which is increasingly looked to by masses of people to lead them to bring about the radical change that is urgently needed.

    That radical change is spelled out in an inspiring way in the Declaration from the revcoms, We Need and We Demand: A Whole New Way to Live, a Fundamentally Different System:

    Poster: We Need We Demand slogan

     

    So long as we are still living under the rule of this system of capitalism-imperialism, we will defend people against attacks on their lives and on the rights that are supposed to be guaranteed under the U.S. Constitution. But we need a whole different system, with a whole different Constitution—the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America—which will provide much greater rights for the people, including the basic right to have the fundamentally determining role in a new society and government whose purpose and goal is to eliminate all exploitation and oppression, everywhere.

    The fact is that, despite its claims to speak in the name of “we, the people” the U.S. Constitution is a document that was written by and has served the interests of slave-owning and capitalist exploiters, from the beginning of this country down to today. It is a document that restricts the notion of “freedom” to what is possible within the killing confines of this system of capitalism-imperialism, a system of brutal exploitation and murderous oppression. It is a document that sets the terms for enforcing this system which treats the masses of people, here and all over the world, as objects to be used and abused to generate profits and increase capital for a small number of big-time exploiters...a system that casts off as useless, and treats as dangerous, huge numbers of human beings who cannot be profitably exploited...a system that causes endless wars that kill off millions and cause massive destruction...a system that treats the environment as something to be plundered in the pursuit of profit and rivalry to dominate the world.

    The Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America is completely, fundamentally different than the U.S. Constitution. This Constitution for a new socialist republic provides a sweeping vision, a firm foundation and concrete blueprint for bringing into being a society, and ultimately a world, free from all forms of slavery, all exploitation and oppression based on class, race, sex and gender, all relations in which one part of humanity is subordinated to and dominated by others.

    The new socialist system based on the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America will do what can never be done under this system of capitalism-imperialism: Through its institutions, through elections and in an all-round way, this new socialist system will provide the means to politically empower the masses of people, in order to carry out the revolutionary transformation of society, and to contribute to this process in the world as a whole.

    While uniting all who can be united to defeat this fascism, this is what people need to raise their sights to—and be part of fighting for.

    Something Terrible or Something Truly Emancipating - Square, wo "NEW"

     

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. In an unusual move, this was directly overseen by the Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard. It is very rare to have the top heads of agencies be on site for local criminal investigations. One thing this could mean is that the regime may try to argue that they have to fuck with the election out of a "national security" concern, whatever that means.  [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    Trump Vomits Out Still More Genocidal Racism

    Last week Donald Trump posted a social media video of Barack and Michele Obama so ugly and blatantly Nazi in its racism that it even sparked a few hypocritical denunciations from fellow Republi-fascists and assorted Black bootlickers. 

    In short, Trump depicted them as apes. This is the type of vile shit that the Nazis pounded out about the Jews—dehumanization to prepare people to carry out genocide. 

    This came at the end of the video repeating Trump’s lunatic lie that the 2020 election was stolen from him, which itself came on top of a frenzied week of setting things up to rig the 2026 congressional elections

    January 6, 2021 Gallows at Capitol

     

    Gallows erected on Capitol grounds, January 6, 2021. MAGA-ites would have made up the lynch mobs of the 19th and 20th centuries.    Photo: Tyler Merbler via flickr CC

    Make no mistake. This was a calculated signal to the hard-core lynch-mob racists that “their time is coming—again.” And this kind of shit has deep roots in this country—go here, here and here on revcom.us to learn about literal massacres carried out against Black people merely for attempting to vote. 

    To be clear, Barack Obama was and is a champion of this capitalist-imperialist system. Barack Obama emphasized in 2016, after Trump won the presidency, that he and Trump were on “the same team.” Obama himself was more than willing to enforce the racism baked into this system, no matter who is in charge, adding his own perverse specialties of lecturing Black college students to pull up their pants and calling those Black youth who bravely rebelled after the police murder of Freddie Gray “thugs.”  

    The fact is that now that “team” has split apart, with one side determined to bring the other under its thumb by any means necessary and to institute outright fascist rule to maintain this system. And as for the masses of people, including (and especially) the masses of Black and other oppressed people? Trump’s message is loud and clear: “if I can come after Obama, I can certainly come after you!"

    "Worse Than A Fool" by Bob Avakian

    The revolutionary leader Bob Avakian (BA) has sounded the alarm on Trump for years. In 2020, he made clear that Trump's genocidal racism is serious:

    Genocide means killing off a whole people, or a large part of that people. Genocide is what the Europeans did to the native peoples in America, while stealing their land. Genocide is Hitler and the NAZIs murdering six million Jews. Donald Trump is a genocidal racist.

    Donald Trump hates Black people and everybody who is not a “white, English-speaking, Christian American.” If he could, he would kill off a whole lot of them, and put many of the rest in jail for life, or drive them out of the country.

    In an important social media message last fall, BA made the truly crucial point that the “oppression of Black people would exist even if Trump weren’t in power—because this oppression is built into this system of capitalism-imperialism.” BA went on to say something even more relevant now than it was at the time he wrote it, in light of the intensifying situation:

    What all this shows is not that all the struggle against this oppression didn’t accomplish anything. What it powerfully demonstrates is that the whole system has to go: Only through a revolution to put an end to this whole system, and bring into being a fundamentally different, emancipating system, can this oppression—and all oppression—be finally and completely ended. But allowing the Trump regime to carry out its horrific program will only make all this much worse, and make the necessary revolution much more difficult to carry out. On the other hand, defeating this fascism, through massive, non-violent but determined and sustained mobilization—uniting all who can be united against this Trump fascist regime, moving to create the conditions where this regime will be removed from power—this can strike a huge blow against oppression overall, and it can also make a big contribution to creating more favorable conditions for the all the way liberating revolution that is needed.

    IN THE NAME OF HUMANITY, WE REFUSE TO ACCEPT A FASCIST AMERICA!

    THIS WHOLE SYSTEM IS ROTTEN AND ILLEGITIMATE! WE NEED AND WE DEMAND A FUNDAMENTALLY DIFFERENT SYSTEM, A WHOLE NEW WAY TO LIVE!

  • ARTICLE:

    Dreams in Dark Times: A Benefit for The Bob Avakian Institute at Revolution Books

    Editors' note: we are reposting this report from TheBobAvakianInstitute.org.

    Over 60 people gathered in Revolution Books in Harlem on Tuesday, February 3 to have their sights and spirits lifted.  The event was Dreams in Dark Times: A Benefit for The Bob Avakian Institute at Revolution Books, with the prominent jazz musicians William Parker and Matthew Shipp.

    The audience was diverse including fans of the musicians who'd never heard of Bob Avakian to Revolution Books regulars.  As people came in, they were given more information about The Bob Avakian Institute and a complimentary copy of a biography of Bob Avakian: a revolutionary leader and thinker, and architect of the new communism.

    Through the night, people were taken on a journey—confronting the dark times and led to grapple with what's possible, in an open and inviting atmosphere.

    BobAvakianOfficial: It is now possible to move beyond this monstrous system

    As the lights went down, Avakian's voice came through direct and unfiltered with the quote that was part of the central theme of the night:

    Andy Zee, Spokesperson for Revolution Books

    Andy Zee, spokesperson for Revolution Books, gave a powerful introduction to the night.

    William Parker and Matthew Ship, Dreams in Dark Times. Benefit for the Bob Avakian Institute

    The musicians then played a deep and resonant set.  One attendee said afterwards, "I don't know what was on the minds of the artists as they performed, but I thought I could hear darkness and the striving for something different, the creative impulse to break the bounds of what has been." 

    What would a future revolutionary society look like?

    In between sets, the audience heard again from Bob Avakian answering the question posed by Sunsara Taylor in an interview last year, "If we had a time machine and we could just fast forward into the future into a revolutionary society, how would things be different? What would it look like? What would it feel like?" 

    Annie Day, Director, The Bob Avakian Institute.

    Annie Day, the Director of The Bob Avakian Institute, followed this up.  She talked about the world historic significance of Avakian's work and the mission of The Institute in a moment of profound stakes for humanity, and yet widespread hopelessness.  She called for people there to make a financial contribution to The Institute.  And to volunteer their time to be part of changing what people throughout society are debating and discussing.  The Institute aims to host forums and classes, and work to spread Avakian's work throughout society.  The broad engagement with Avakian's pathbreaking work can have a profound positive impact right now -- breaking people's thinking beyond the soul-crushing and people destroying confines of capitalism. 

    After a second beautiful and dynamic set, William and Matthew shared their perspectives about why they wanted to be part of a benefit for The Bob Avakian Institute.  After the event, Revolution Books was abuzz.  There was a feeling of seriousness and joy.

    As Annie made clear, this was the first of what The Institute hopes will be more such events. 

    You can donate to The Bob Avakian Institute here, and sign up to volunteer here.  Please send your ideas, suggestions and questions to info@TheBobAvakianInstitute.org

    In addition to our appreciation for the artists, we want to thank the volunteers who were essential in making this event happen, and to the staff of Revolution Books for your generous participation.

    The Bob Avakian Institute is a nonprofit institute organized for educational purposes. Its mission is to preserve, project, and promote the works and vision of Bob Avakian with the aim of reaching the broadest possible audience.

    William Parker is a bassist, improviser, composer, writer, and educator. He has been a key figure in the New York and European experimental jazz and new music scenes and is part of working on the Vision Jazz Festival.  The Village Voice called him "the most consistently brilliant free jazz bassist of all time...”

    Matthew Shipp is a pianist, composer, and bandleader who has developed one of the most unique voices in modern jazz and improvised music. He has recorded and performed widely—and his work has been described as “state of the art in terms of the possibilities of the jazz piano.” Matthew is the author of Black Mystery School Pianists and Other Writings.

    Note: The videos on this page are rough cut videos. A short video of the program will be available in the near future. 

  • ARTICLE:

    To David French and All Others Who Abhor Trump’s Fascism and Want to Stop It: 

    There IS Someone Who Not Only Foresaw the Strong Possibility of Trump’s 2021 Coup Attempt, but Has Developed an Analysis of Where This Fascism Came from, How to Fight It, and What Should Come Next: Bob Avakian

    New York Times opinion writer David French began a recent column (“This Is Not a Drill,” February 1) with: “It’s only February, and the November elections are already in peril.” He asks readers to imagine the scene in this country a few days before the November mid-terms: word of ICE carrying out operations near polling stations cause many voters to stay away… citizens with Latin-, African- or Asian-sounding names are purged from voter rolls… the FBI raids state election offices, and Republican officials take over running of elections in some Democrat-led cities, based on Trump’s accusations about “fraudulent elections”… and more. As French rightly notes, nothing about this all-too-real scenario on the elections is “far-fetched,” and some of it is already happening. 

    January 6, Stop the steal Trump supporters storm the Capitol.

     

    January 6, 2021, Stop-the-Steal Trump supporters storm the Capitol.    Photo: AP

    But in the second paragraph of his column, French goes way off track on facts when he writes: “When I think back to the days and weeks before Jan. 6, 2021, one thing that’s clear is that many of us suffered from a failure of imagination. We knew President Trump’s lies and conspiracy mongering were dangerous, but it’s hard to think of a single person who predicted that a MAGA mob would storm the Capitol.”

    Not “a single person”? Definitely not true! Revolutionary leader Bob Avakian (BA) clearly warned that Trump was not going to accept a defeat and could mobilize MAGA mobs to try to overturn election results. Take, for example, this from a September 2020 article by BA:

    Another thing that must not be forgotten is that Trump has not only justified and supported but openly encouraged violence by armed white supremacist storm troopers (what he calls “Second Amendment people”). He has supported police violently attacking protesters and utilized armed forces of the government to attack and suppress protests, in Washington, D.C., in Portland and other cities. There is already plenty of evidence—and more evidence comes out all the time—that (assuming the election is actually held) regardless of the actual outcome of the election, Trump will declare himself the winner and use whatever means he can, including violence, to stay in power.

    As BA noted, various “fanatical backers of this regime, in and out of government, have called on its supporters to arm themselves in preparation for the election.” And, very importantly: “It would be a very grave mistake to fail to take seriously what is being openly proclaimed by Trump and his fascist supporters.” BA didn’t “predict” the exact form this would take—the storming of the Capitol by Trump’s fascist mob on January 6—but the coup attempt was precisely the kind of thing BA was warning about when he said Trump would “use whatever means he can, including violence, to stay in power.

    Bob Avakian's Work on Fascism: 1996-2025

     

    If this prescient alarm were pointed out to French, he might (lamely) say, “I never heard of Bob Avakian…” Well, that is a big problem—it is unacceptable that supposedly “knowledgeable” people like French and others opposed to Trump are ignorant of, or even consciously turn away from, the work that BA has done, and continues to do, over many decades on fascism (see “Bob Avakian’s Work on Fascism: 1996-2025”), let alone attempting to bring about an emancipating society. 

    As for his work analyzing the source of and sounding the alarm on fascism, BA noted last fall:

    Over the past 30 years, I have analyzed how the Republican Party has been moving in a fascist direction since the 1960s, with further leaps since then to becoming more and more openly fascist. And now, with the “second coming” of the Trump regime, this fascism is on an unrestrained rampage.

    It would have been far better—we would very possibly not be faced with the terrible situation we are now forced to confront—if this analysis, sounding the alarm about very real fascism, had not been so often ignored, or met with stubborn resistance and cheap accusations of being dishonestly “alarmist.” In a number of critical situations over the past decades, those of us who have recognized this developing fascism for what it is, have called for massive mobilization to defeat it—but, although some responded to this call, the millions who should have taken it up did not do so. So, now, here we are. And, while we should not “live” in the past, we definitely should learn from it. 
    (From social media message REVOLUTION #141—“The Time Is Urgently Upon Us Now—To Drive Out The Trump Fascist Regime!”)

    Along with sounding the alarm, BA has deeply and repeatedly gone into how this fascism emerged out of the history of this country and the system of capitalism-imperialism that rules over us—as he says, there is a “direct line” from the Confederacy to the Trump/MAGA fascists. Over the past 30 years, he has scientifically analyzed the trajectory of this fascism. As Lenin once said, "Miraculous prophecy is a fairy tale. But scientific prophecy is a fact.”

    And Avakian has done much more. He has laid bare—both on a high theoretical level as well as with penetrating exposures—how this entire system, whether in its normal “democratic face” or now in its openly fascist one has, by its very nature, led to horror after horror for people here and around the world… and how only an actual revolution can lead to finally ending the immense and needless suffering caused by this system. He has shown that we are now in a rare time when revolution in this country, the most powerful and destructive empire in history, is more possible. And he is the author of the Constitution for a New Socialist Republic in North Americaa sweeping vision, firm foundation, and concrete plan for a radically different and much better system—one, incidentally, with far greater provision for dissent and far stronger protection of the rights of the individual than the U.S. Constitution.

    The world is at a crossroads—humanity is face-to-face with existential dangers of global climate catastrophe and increasing threat of all-out nuclear war… even as the new communism brought forward by Bob Avakian has opened up a whole new framework for human emancipation. The hour is late—it is way past time for all those agonizing about where humanity is headed to have the integrity and courage to look into Bob Avakian’s work with open hearts and minds.

    Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America (Draft Proposal) 

    Authored by Bob Avakian, and adopted by the Central Committee of the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA
  • ARTICLE:

    ALERT:

    Fascist Trump Threatens Iran—Grave Danger of War Looms

    No U.S.-Israeli Attack on Iran!

    Support the Iranian People’s Struggle for Justice!

    Updated

    Editors’ Note: On February 6, the U.S. and Iran met in Oman to discuss their intense differences over Iran’s nuclear enrichment program. Both sides have indicated that further talks are likely. Yet last week Trump again threatened Iran, warning Ayatollah Khamenei that “he should be very worried.” The U.S. continues to build up its military forces in the region. Even as Israel continues to violate the ceasefire in Gaza, continuing its genocidal slaughter of Palestinians, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will reportedly have an emergency meeting with Trump on February 11. 

    The situation remains extremely dangerous and unpredictable, and the following alert’s guidance and analysis continues to be timely.

    We also want to alert readers to two new and important articles from Atash/Fire #171, Journal of the Communist Party of Iran, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist (CPIMLM.org):

    Aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln

     

    As we write, the grave danger of war looms over the Middle East. The fascist Trump regime is once again threatening to launch a war on Iran. Such an illegitimate, imperialist act of aggression threatens the lives of many thousands, perhaps millions, if it spreads across the region, and perhaps beyond.

    This past week, Trump warned that a U.S. armada was heading toward Iran, prepared to carry out military strikes “with great power, enthusiasm and purpose,” if Iran’s Islamic Republic didn’t bow down to Trump’s nakedly imperialist demands for submission. 

    Trump’s demands? A permanent end to all nuclear enrichment (which Iran has the right to do1); limits on the range and numbers of Iran’s ballistic missiles; and an end to all support for Iran’s allies across the region. In other words, Iran is to be left defenseless while the U.S. and Israel, with their massive stockpiles of nuclear bombs and other weapons of war, and military bases and alliances across the region, would have free rein to attack Iran and others in the region whenever they decide to.   

    “Time is running out,” to accept these outrageous demands, Trump warned, “it is truly of the essence!”

    The U.S. has surged military forces into the region, including the USS Abraham Lincoln Carrier Strike Group,2 combat ships and destroyers, at least a dozen attack aircraft, and anti-missile systems. Long-range U.S.-based bombers can attack Iran, and the U.S. has between 30,000 and 40,000 troops already stationed in the region.

    Meanwhile, the leader of Iran’s Islamic Republic has threatened to launch a regional war if the U.S. attacks.

    The situation is extremely fraught and quickly developing. There are reports that the U.S. and Iran are now negotiating and may avoid war. Other reports claim the U.S. has already decided on war. 

    Oppose Fascist Trump’s Imperialist Bullying and War Moves

    BobAvakianOfficial REVOLUTION #123

     

    Read/listen to this social media message from @BobAvakianOfficial.   

    Revcom.us will continue to follow this perilous situation and keep readers informed. But right now several key things are very clear:

    1. These threats and any attack on Iran by the fascist Trump regime are completely outrageous and illegitimate. They are not being done in support of the Iranian people’s just struggle against the Islamic Republic, or to end the danger of nuclear war, just the opposite: they’re being done to more forcefully impose U.S. imperialist domination, including military domination, on Iran and its people and the entire Middle East region.
    2. The people of this country have a responsibility to the people of Iran and the world to vigorously oppose any and all aggression, bullying, and military attacks on Iran.
    3. The U.S. imperialists are the world’s “top predators.” But Iran’s theocratic rulers are also thoroughly reactionary: they are part of the global capitalist-imperialist system, and have just slaughtered thousands of Iranians who rose up for justice in early January. The rebellions of the Iranian people over the last period—over the severe economic privation in these past weeks, and especially in 2022 around the slogan “Woman, Life, Freedom” are overwhelmingly progressive and should be supported.
      Now is not the time to choose between oppressors. People in this country also have the responsibility of supporting the just struggle of the Iranian people, against their hated rulers, for justice and a brighter future. In this light, see Intervew with Osyan3 on the January Uprising in Iran, and War Has Casualties?! from Atash/Fire, journal of the Communist Party of Iran, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist.

    The criminal and very dangerous threats by U.S. imperialism and the fascist Trump regime, as well as the crimes of Iran’s Islamic Republic, once again emphasize the urgency of the call from the revolutionary leader and author of the new communism, Bob Avakian:

    We, the people of the world, can no longer afford to allow these imperialists to continue to dominate the world and determine the destiny of humanity. They need to be overthrown as quickly as possible. And it is a scientific fact that we do not have to live this way.

    No U.S.-Israeli Attack on Iran!

    Support the Just Struggle of the Iranian People! 

    In the name of humanity, we refuse to accept a fascist America!

    This whole system is rotten and illegitimate! We need and we demand: a whole new way to live, a fundamentally different system!

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. Iran does not possess any nuclear weapons and there is no conclusive proof that they are attempting to build them. On the other hand, Israel has some 90 nuclear warheads, while the U.S. has over 5,000!  [back]

    2. The USS Abraham Lincoln generally carries 60 to 70 aircraft, and can carry as many as 90. [back]

    3. Osyan is a group of Iranian and Afghan women whose name means "We are Rebels." [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    From Atash/Fire #171, Journal of the Communist Party of Iran, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist

    Let's Better Understand the Islamic Republic’s Pattern of Repression!  
    The Global Partnership in Crimes against the Iranian People during January 2026

    Editors’ note: The article below is posted in Farsi in Atash/Fire journal #171, February, 2026 issue at cpimlm.org. It represents the views of the CPI (MLM). It was translated to English by revcom.us volunteers. Translators added footnotes and notations (in brackets) for clarification purposes.  

    Photo of barricades in Tehran (IG @Ahmadreza_Haeri)

     

    by Jila Anousheh

    In an article titled “War has casualties?!” we wrote: “[Pro-U.S.-Israel monarchist] Reza Pahlavi's war with the Islamic Republic is a war of the security organizations of [Israeli secret police] Mossad, the U.S., and other countries in the region against the security apparatus of the Islamic Republic that has been going on for years.” [That article in Farsi is in Atash/Fire #171, and in English is at revcom.us/en/war-has-casualties>.]

    We now know that the presence of Mossad-led forces in the midst of the popular uprising 4 was not merely a fabrication of the Israeli media. Instead, it was true. It was not a figment of the imagination of the Israeli media. It was real. It was unprecedented. Numerous eyewitnesses report that [the Mossad-led forces] acted in an organized way and threatened anyone who did not chant “Pahlavi will be back.” The IRI's [Islamic Republic of Iran’s] repressive apparatus was aware of this breach and used it as a “golden” opportunity to indiscriminately kill people. Shame on these religious fascists who have drenched their hands in the blood of the people, time and again. This time, it was to an extent without parallel in the history of contemporary Iran. Shame and hatred on that genocidal regime [Israel] and their Iranian servant, Reza Pahlavi.

    Bodies lie in body bags on the ground outside Kahrizak Forensic Medical Centre in Tehran, Iran, January 11, 2026.

     

    Bodies lie in body bags on the ground outside Kahrizak Forensic Medical Centre in Tehran, Iran, January 11, 2026.    Photo: Middle East Online

    But the slaughter of our people had other international partners as well. In this massacre, the security services of the Islamic Republic of Iran benefited from the obvious and unprecedented cooperation of the Russian and Chinese security services. These facts must be highlighted when preparing an indictment for the massacre of people during the January 2026 uprising by the armed forces of the IRI (including the Islamic Revolutionary Guards [IRGC], the Basij [its civilian militia], and its international branch, the Quds Force). The participation of Israel, China, and Russia in this massacre should be exposed and protested on a worldwide scale.

    With this introduction, we will discuss the suppression of the January 2026 uprising. What we know so far is this: thousands of people were killed across the country, more than 100,000 people were injured, people's neighborhoods were destroyed, the wounded were kidnapped from hospitals and killed, and medical centers were turned into centers of murder.

    After the June 2025 military attack on Iran by U.S. and Israeli forces, the Fars News Agency (which is close to the IRGC) wrote: “Why shouldn't we repeat the experience and the executions of 1988? Don't you think the time has now come to repeat that successful experience… which helped us to run the country for years without any problems and not have to deal with the problem of terrorism.... If we rid ourselves of our enemies in just the same way that we got rid our enemies in 1988, we can feel secure.”5

    This shows that the IRI had been preparing to commit this crime. The arrests and executions that followed [the June military attack], and the October 2025 “Enhanced Punishment for Espionage” law, promulgated by [Iran’s President Masoud] Pezeshkian, indicate that they were preparing to commit a major crime.

    The Doctrine and the Structure of Repression, in Generic Terms

    Now let's turn to the doctrine and structure of repression in the IRI. Everyone knows that in the IRI, the security and survival of this regime determine its policies. From the IRI's perspective, protest is an on-going feature of Iranian society, not an occasional occurrence. Therefore, they have adopted a model of continuous repression. The model of continuous repression is built into the identity of the IRI. This is the general characteristic of the IRI's security doctrine. However, it is specifically designed to suppress urban youth. Statistics on the victims of the January 2017 and November 2019 uprisings, the [2022] Mahsa “Jina” Amini uprising, and the January 2026 uprising, clearly demonstrate this reality.

    The model of repression in Iran is a hybrid of Chinese and Russian [imperialists] methods combined with local structures and practices. Of course, because the repressive apparatus of the IRI is heir to the organized repression apparatus of the [Mohammad Pahlavi] Shah's regime, it is not without the influence of certain Western [imperialists] methods of repression. But the hard core of the IRI’s current suppression doctrine is indebted to the Chinese and Russian methods of suppression.

    The IRI has adopted China’s so-called “Strike Hard” doctrine. “Strike Hard” is a structural policy to exert tight control over society. It operates on the basis of fear, speed and intensity of the action, and control over the narrative. The key principle of “Strike Hard” in relation to large protests is to stop the protesters by administering a severe shock. Implementation of “Strike Hard” includes mass executions and, in street operations, the use of military-grade weapons, indiscriminate and coordinated killings in multiple cities, attacks on hospitals, and mass arrests.

    The IRI's model of repression borrows from Russia its use of asymmetric violence, and shadow-operations, and terror-inducing tactics. Russia's pattern of repression in Africa (especially by the private Wagner forces controlled by the Russian government) is recognized as among the most violent and brutal models of “population control and political suppression.” Asymmetric violence reacts to any instance of “violence” or self-defense by the people with exponentially greater violence and terror-producing operations. [The late IRGC Commander] Qasem Soleimani6 both learned from the “Wagner model” and used it in his suppression of  the people of Syria.

    This model includes severe repression and mass killings, targeted shootings of civilians, “cleansing” operations in protest areas, the use of heavy weapons of war, disappearances, executions at close range, and the dissemination of fabricated narratives to justify the crackdown. The goal is: “deterrence through fear.”

    The IRI retained some of the methods of repression used by SAVAK [Shah’s secret police] and in 1979-1980, combined them with [Aytollah] Khomeini's idea of forming a “20-million-strong army,” which resulted in the creation of a vast network of Basij forces in the neighborhoods, schools, factories, and offices. It is a local, cheap, and decentralized security force network that enforces theocratic control throughout the country. The Basij has a huge budget, and is constantly recruiting from both cities and rural villages.

    Conclusion

    Our Party has always grappled with the issue of the IRI “model of survival,” and has grappled with how to develop a systematic method of confronting it, based on a precise knowledge of the repressive apparatus, its doctrine and methods of operation, and to transfer this understanding to the youth who step into the arena of struggle against the regime. In the face of repression, the question is always: what can we do to turn the repression used on us back against itself—and to mobilize the people to wage the struggle on an even larger scale. At its core, the answer to this question is political and ideological line. Attention to technical and tactical principles is subordinate to that. In this regard, the document titled “Accumulating Forces and Organizing for Revolution” (an excerpt from the documents of the 11th Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Iran, MLM) says:

    So far we have encountered great obstacles along our way, and will do so again. … On this path, we must maintain our strategic nerve. During storms, heavy blows, and setbacks, we must keep our heads above water, not lose our sense of direction, and not give in to “it cannot be done,” “we’ll be isolated,” and “why didn’t we take such and such a step earlier.”

    We can maintain this basic orientation, not through sheer willpower, but by using the scientific method of seeking to understand the problems and search for solutions. In other words, political struggle with a correct orientation is the decisive factor in confronting the repressive apparatus and transforming each act of repression into a broader and more enduring struggle against the IRI. Even now, in light of the repression of the January 2026 uprising, we must once again examine the structure of the power that we are going up against, and the factors that strengthen it or lend it resilience.

    Since the U.S.-Israeli military aggression in June 2025, the IRI has increasingly tied its fate to the intense rivalry between the Chinese and Russian imperialists and U.S. imperialism. In exchange for this loyalty, China and Russia helped rebuild the IRI's military and security apparatus. At the same time, in response to public unrest and uprisings, the IRI adopted the approach that “public dissatisfaction equals continuation of the 12-day war,” and began preparing for the massacre. The infiltration of Israel's proxy forces into the people's uprising gave the IRI an opportunity to declare war on the uprising of the unarmed people, and with the pretext of “we are at war, and the enemy has infiltrated,” was able to unite internal factions of the government and even to bring along a number of religious intellectuals, reformists, and national-religious figures.

    This analysis tells us that we must strongly oppose any policy that seeks to drag the popular uprisings into imperialist contention. When the many women and men fighters grasp the complexities of the political scene, and the character and objectives of the various forces involved in it, then they can prevent others from following the worthless orders of the fascist Trump, the Mossad security apparatus, and their hired broker, Reza Pahlavi. 

    The significance of having the theory and policies to confront repression is as significant as having a theory and policy to confront the regime's theocratic religiosity, its attempt to squash freedom, its mandatory hijab and its enforcement of national oppression, its reactionary regional wars, and so on.

    Now, a major and decisive battleground with the Islamic Republic of Iran is to turn the regime’s repression from a tool of its survival into a driving force for its overthrow. 

    Success in this difficult arena requires creating and strengthening a powerful movement with two simultaneous characteristics: it must have the ability to actively and effectively resist severe suffocation by the widely deployed domestic repression machine, and at the same time it must keep the tentacles of scavengers dependent on Israel and the U.S. away from the people and prevent the toxic polarization of “the enemy of my enemy is my friend.”

    Success in this struggle depends on thousands of young people—who rose up and put their lives on the line in these uprisings—developing a revolutionary method and approach. They must have a clear understanding of who are the friends and the enemies of the revolution. They should not only be against the IRI but they must also stand against U.S. imperialism and the imperialists of China and Russia who support the IRI—and support the struggle of people in those countries to overthrow their governments.

    The prerequisite for turning repression back against itself requires that a broader movement grasp these political lessons, and that they become widespread among the people. This political factor is crucial to further isolate the IRI both domestically and internationally. Without this revolutionary orientation, we will not succeed in creating the broadest popular alliance within the country, nor in gaining the support of the people around the world. This policy must be reflected in the people’s slogans. The slogan that must resonate and appear on doors and walls everywhere is: Down with the Islamic Republic of Iran—Long Live the New Socialist Republic in Iran.

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. “On December 28, the Iranian people launched a powerful uprising against their hated rulers—the theocratic fascists of the Islamic Republic (IRI). It quickly spread across the country to some 180 towns in all 31 of Iran’s provinces, involving many tens of thousands of Iranians, perhaps millions. To crush this tsunami of mass protests, the IRI unleashed a campaign of mass murder, arrests and terror across the country. Rivers of blood flow through the streets of Iran, in every city and region.” From “Iran’s Islamic Republic Slaughters Thousands of People Righteously Standing Up—Now Is Not the Time to Choose Between Oppressors,” revcom.us, January 19, 2026. [back]

    2. “In July 1988, the Islamic Republic of Iran agreed to bring an end to the brutal eight-year war with Iraq. Over the next two months, under orders of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khomeini, political prisoners around the country were secretly brought before a tribunal panel that would later become known as the Death Commission. They were not told what was happening and did not know that a ‘wrong’ answer concerning their faith or political affiliation would send them straight to the gallows. Thousands of men and women were condemned to death, many buried in mass graves in Khavaran Cemetery in the vicinity of Tehran.” From inside cover of Voices of a Massacre: Untold Stories of Life and Death in Iran, 1988 by Nasser Mohajer. [back]

    3. Qassem Soleimani was a top general in the IRGC and commander of the Quds Force responsible for IRGC foreign operations. The U.S. assassinated Soleimani in Baghdad, Iraq on January 3, 2020.  [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    From Atash/Fire #171, Journal of the Communist Party of Iran, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist

    44 Years after the Sarbedaran Uprising 

    The Challenges of Revolutionary War

    Editors’ note: The article below is posted in Farsi in Atash/Fire journal #171, the February 2026 issue at cpimlm.org. It represents the views of the CPI (MLM). It was translated to English by revcom.us volunteers. Translators added bracketed notations and footnotes.

    Sarbedaran fighters 1981-82.

     

    Sarbedaran fighters 1981-82.   

    The roar of anger accumulated during forty-seven years of suffering, oppression, poverty, and repression swept across Iran recently, and was soaked in blood by [Ayatollah] Khamenei’s orders.

    In an unequal and furious battle, countless people shouted for life and liberation up in the faces of the oppressors. The children of this country came to the streets for survival and for an honorable and decent life, pledging their passionate lives as collateral for this liberation. Today, on the occasion of the 44th anniversary of the Sarbedaran Uprising,7 with respect and pride, we honor the names and path forged by those who stood firm and did not surrender.

    Forty-four years ago, like today, the revolutionary overthrow of the Islamic Republic was an urgent, felt need for the majority of society in Iran. The Sarbedaran Uprising arose in response to this urgent need, but could not bring the revolution to fruition. Revolution is still on the agenda—a revolution that completely uproots the Islamic Republic regime, and builds a fundamentally different political, economic, and social order that meets the immediate and long-term interests of our oppressed and exploited people; a revolution that will get rid of these criminals and their entire economic, bureaucratic, and military apparatus; a revolution that, by relying on the wisdom, passion, power, and participation of all the people, will sweep away poverty and oppression; a revolution that will not allow the daily lives and the fruits of the labor of millions of people and the resources of this land to be monopolized and controlled by a minority of Islamic and non-Islamic mega-capitalists and their imperialist masters, while everything continues as before. No! We will not allow this.

    The uprising in the city of Amol on January 26, 1982 was the high point of the armed struggle to overthrow the Islamic Republic that was initiated by the Union of Iranian Communists in 1981. The book The Bird That Was Learning to Fly is a relatively comprehensive account of the Sarbedaran January uprising and provides a preliminary summary of that revolutionary battle. It should be read by every fighter. 

    Although that struggle failed to achieve its goal, its lessons still apply. The framework, purpose, and goal of commemorating the Sarbedaran Uprising and the discussion around it is always about the “revolution”—what a revolution is, what problem is it out to solve, and for whom? The vital importance of these questions concerns and connects the fate of the oppressed and exploited masses [in Iran], from Zahedan to Mahabad, to the countries of this region, from Pakistan to Yemen and Turkey, and the whole world, from the U.S. to China… and ultimately all of humanity. 

    These are questions that can only be answered with the scientific theory of this revolution, the new communism [developed by revolutionary leader Bob Avakian]. For this reason, the key to carrying out the revolution is to understand and apply this science. In fact, “how to lead the revolution” is built upon, and developed through, understanding and applying this science while carrying out the revolution. The main application of this theory is to identify obstacles to achieving this revolution, and to find ways to overcome them. 

    This method and approach works on varying levels of complexity. The “Manifesto and Program of the Communist Revolution in Iran,” the “Draft Constitution of the New Socialist Republic of Iran” and the “Strategy of the Path to the Iranian Revolution” lay out this understanding at a basic level, and the important policies of the struggle that must be developed at every juncture. 

    What must be done is clear to us: we must turn this theory and its specific application for the revolution in Iran into a powerful force and pave the way for this revolution to break through a multitude of intellectual, political, ideological and practical obstacles, including “security-military” obstacles and repression by the state. These are some key problems we must anticipate and challenges we need to deal with: 1) the regime’s fascist repression; 2) the bourgeois forces outside the government that the capitalist-imperialist powers are backing to become future “leaders” and “alternatives”; 3) outmoded ideas and anti-scientific ways of thinking among the people themselves in their millions, who should constitute the ranks of the revolution; 4) intellectuals, especially students, who are part of the petite bourgeois class, there are no significant sections or even a fraction of them that has yet been able to step outside of the intellectual framework produced by the [capitalist-imperialist] system itself; they must become able to stand up against the theories that have been fabricated to oppose communist revolution.

    To pave the way for a real revolution, these obstacles must be addressed and overcome. Thousands of people must be organized as strategic commanders of that revolution, must spread an understanding of this strategy for real revolution among millions of people so that each individual, with full understanding of the goal, purpose, and plan of the revolution, can contribute their share. 

    After the defeat of the Sarbedaran Uprising, many former fighters became disillusioned and confused and left the ranks of the revolution. A few years [before that uprising], revolutionary communists had to confront the fact that there had been a revisionist coup in China in 1976 and that capitalism had been restored. They were still struggling to understand the immensity of that defeat and its catastrophic consequences for communist revolutions in all parts of the world. In fact, the restoration of capitalism in China, which marked the end of the first wave of communist revolutions, was the decisive factor that triggered the tsunami of departures from the ranks of the communist revolution. The vast majority of revolutionaries were unable to scientifically confront the reality of the defeat and that it marked the end of the first wave of communist revolutions in the world, or understand its causes and consequences; or to consider the possibility and necessity of turning that experience—and even that defeat—into the basis for retaking the initiative against the existing order and beginning a new wave of communist revolutions. 

    Protesters block an intersection in Tehran, Iran, January 8, 2026.

     

    Protesters block an intersection in Tehran, Iran, January 8, 2026.    Photo: AP screengrab from video

    We are now at another historical juncture with, objectively, very important opportunities open to us. The greatest weapon we have today that we did not have back then is the new communism developed by Bob Avakian. Today, we few revolutionary communists, with the new communism in our hands—which is in fact the telescope and microscope of the revolution, focused and further developed—have the possibility to seize the great opportunities that the crisis in the entire world capitalist system provides for a real revolution, and with far fewer mistakes. We should attract an increasing number of people to this revolution, and the new people who join this revolution, regardless of their backgrounds, strengths and weaknesses, or what social strata they come from, are responsible for attracting more people to the revolution—especially from among the most impoverished strata of society—as initiators and frontline fighters of the revolution.

    There are no guarantees, no foreordained outcome to this struggle, but humanity, especially the billions of people who are oppressed and exploited—from Iran to the U.S., and in every corner of the world—need to overthrow this system. Given the underlying contradictions of this system, there is a very strong basis for overthrowing it. But if we do not have a vanguard, then there will be no force to act on this opportunity, and the result will be another historic disappointment, bringing despair and frustration.

    It is necessary to be a serious and disciplined revolutionary vanguard; to actively grapple with the “key questions” of the revolution—and on this basis and within this framework, to address the urgent issues confronting us: on the one hand, to work on a daily basis for the transformation of society in a revolutionary direction, and on the other hand, to devise a strategy so that we can connect today's activities to that strategy (both the political goal and the strategy for the violent overthrow of the ruling state). 

    Amidst the serious turmoil that is engulfing not only Iran and the Middle East but the world, we need to very quickly get to a point where this kind of culture is embraced by the many that feel the gravity of the situation and are eagerly seeking a real path for changing the world. The ranks of such a revolution must grow each and every day. 

    Today, getting deeply immersed in the new communism is an important part of preparing for revolution. In this context, Avakian emphasizes, 

    popularizing the strategy for revolution is a key part of carrying out that strategy. If we are supposedly carrying out a strategy yet we ourselves don't understand very well what it is—and don't talk about it with the masses—what kind of strategy is that and what is it really a strategy for? On the positive side, let me emphasize it again: popularizing the strategy for revolution—in the correct way, in a meaningful and living way—is a key part of carrying out that strategy. When we do popularize this strategy, and growing numbers of people engage with that strategy, then that itself becomes part of the objective terrain too. It influences how people think, particularly about the possibility of revolution and the strategic conception for making revolution. The more that people understand that work has been done on the problems of really making revolution, the more they engage with the strategic conception that is being developed for how to make revolution and how the work that's being carried out actually proceeds—which it must—in accordance with, and as a way of implementing, that strategic conception, the more this is going to come alive for them.8

    The message of the Sarbedarans is this: To end the one-sided war being waged by Islamic Republic, or any similar regime that may replace these fascists, the people need their own revolutionary army. The people will fight against their conditions of oppression and exploitation; they will sacrifice their lives, multiplying and spreading courage. The point is that all of this must find a political focal point, with a clear program and a strategy for realizing that program, so that we can turn repeated historic defeats into victories—the victories for the “New Socialist Republic [of Iran]”—because, this is the only alternative that can truly free our society from the grip of centuries of oppression and exploitation in both old and new forms, and inspire humanity in every corner of the world.

    Communist Party of Iran (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist)

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. Sarbedaran was the military organization led by the Union of Communists of Iran (UIC), the predecessor to today's Communist Party of Iran (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist). “On the nights of the 26th-28th of January, 1982 the city of Amol [in northern Iran] witnessed widespread bloody battle of the armed forces of Sarbedaran and their urban mass supporters against the military and police forces of the Islamic Republic regime. Organized and led by the UIC, this historic armed offensive was the last serious resistance by revolutionary forces against the counter-revolutionary coup of the regime.” From the journal A World to Win, 1984/85, “Defeated Armies Learn Well — Summation from the Union of Iranian Communists.” [back]

    2. Avakian, Building a Movement for Revolution, Part 2 of BIRDS CANNOT GIVE BIRTH TO CROCODILES, BUT HUMANITY CAN SOAR BEYOND THE HORIZON | revcom.us [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    Rolling Stone Disguises Intellectual Cowardice as “Journalism” 
    A Challenge to Engage Bob Avakian’s Work and Think Outside the System

    Revcom.us editors’ note: This article was originally posted at the website of The Bob Avakian Institute.

    The article in this month's Rolling Stone, "The Anti-Fascist Group Fighting Trump—And Some Critics on the Left," by David Peisner is a lazy and dishonest distortion of the work of Bob Avakian, the revolutionary leader and architect of the new communism.

    Relying on unthinking anti-communism, it serves as a justification for ignoring the challenge in Avakian's work to confront what we are facing with Trump/MAGA fascism, to seriously examine the fact that this fascism has its roots in U.S. capitalism-imperialism, and to act commensurate with the urgent dangers we face. This includes being willing to have your fundamental assumptions challenged and your sights raised beyond this horrific system. Instead, Peisner disguises intellectual cowardice as "reportage": go nowhere near Avakian's work and do not work with the revolutionaries who advocate for this work—if you do you will be deemed ineffectual and sidelined.

    With the future hanging in the balance amidst accelerating fascism, climate catastrophe, genocide and the danger of nuclear war, no one should accept this cynical dismissal of the most burning questions confronting humanity: whether a radically different, and far better, society is possible. This is what Bob Avakian's work concentrates, and why it demands serious engagement.

    Peisner's article is supposed to be about Refuse Fascism, an organization begun in 2016 with the demand: In the Name of Humanity, We Refuse to Accept a Fascist America! As their website says, they are "on a mission to unite all who can be united into the largest nonviolent mass mobilization in U.S. history to drive out the Trump Fascist Regime—a regime that threatens humanity’s very future." The real message of Peisner's article is that, while there may be good-hearted people with Refuse Fascism, they cannot succeed because there are people within it who base themselves on the new communism developed by Avakian. 

    But after 3,000 words, you are left utterly ignorant of the substance of this. While Peisner mentions Bob Avakian's name 30 times, he says nothing about the content of BA's work. He says that Avakian has been sounding the alarm about the rise of fascism in the U.S. for 30 years but is completely lacking in curiosity as to why Avakian has been so far-sighted and prescient or what the content of this analysis is. The fact is that Avakian's work on fascism has been way ahead of the curve, and humanity would be in a far better situation if people had not ignored and dismissed these warnings the way Peisner does, but had actually listened and acted on Avakian's analysis—years ago! 

    Since 1996, Avakian has dug into how the economic and social changes within the U.S. and internationally have given rise to a Christian fascist program among a section of the rulers who feel this represents the only way to rescue their system. In 2017, while people were still befuddled as to why Christian fascists would find a partner in Trump, Avakian spoke to "the unholy alliance" Trump made with these Christian fascists. Avakian has, since 2016 warned against all those who have underestimated and normalized Trump/MAGA fascism. He's dug into the coherence of this fascist ideology in the triad of white supremacy, patriarchy and a belligerent America-first chauvinism—all of which are rooted in the American Confederacy. As such, Avakian recognizes that the social base for this fascism is not a product of "economic grievance," but those who find their interests in defending all this oppression. Avakian has taken on the illusions that you can rely on the Democratic Party, or normal channels of this same system, to defeat fascism. He recognizes that while individual Democratic Party politicians may play a role in standing up against this fascism, the Democratic Party as an institution cannot fight this fascism the way it needs to be fought. While fascism is rapidly accelerating, these are life and death questions around which Peisner is utterly silent. 

    Even more, the prospects of a revolution and radically different system are completely written off in Peisner's view. He says that the "The RCP claims Avakian has synthesized a new, more scientific version of communism that represents nothing less than a 'whole new framework for human emancipation'... The issue some on the far left have with Avakian isn’t so much his ideas or motives, which overlap those of many communist organizations, but rather the way the RevComs deify him."

    The fact is that those who take issue with Avakian do so exactly because of "his ideas and motives." Avakian is working on what would be required to make an actual revolution to end oppression and exploitation. The people Peisner quotes are working on building movements of opposition that do not step outside of, or fundamentally challenge, the confines of this system. Instead of making a substantive argument, they just use the magic word "cult" to shut down any serious debate.

    In a social media message last year titled "Mindless Anti-Communism and Mindless Accusations of 'Cult': Brainwashing to Shut Down Critical Thinking and Fundamental Opposition to this Monstrous System" Avakian talked about the way the movements in the 1960s challenged the widespread anti-communism which is akin to the accusations of cult. "Today, along with the continuing slander and ideological assault against communism, there is this other form of brainwashing, which is perpetrated not just by traditional representatives of the ruling class but also by various opportunist forces which claim to be 'woke' or 'progressive,' or 'socialist,' but which do not seek solutions that actually break through and beyond the confines of this system and do not offer any really emancipating alternative."

    The heart of Peisner's argument for how revcoms "deify" Avakian is the fact that "The party’s website calls Avakian 'the most important political thinker and leader in the world today,' and declares that 'being a communist today means following Bob Avakian and the new path he has forged.'" These statements are either true or false. A reply from the revcoms to another crude attack on Avakian by Hannah Zeavin spoke to exactly this same idiotic argument:

    Clearly, what is involved in these statements has to do with matters of great, indeed of world historic, importance: would any serious and decent person deny that it is of world historic importance whether “a whole new framework for human emancipation” has actually been developed? Flowing from that, whether these statements regarding BA are true, or not, is itself of very great significance. The fact is that BA has actually developed a whole new framework for human emancipation. But to judge whether that is true, or not, requires first of all caring about human emancipation; and it requires some work, in order to have the basis to make a rational judgment about this. Assuming that (despite a great deal of evidence to the contrary) Zeavin actually recognizes the importance of intellectual integrity, the only honest answer she could give to the question of whether these statements about BA are true, or not, is: “I don’t know. I cannot say, because I have not done the work to have the necessary basis to evaluate this. But I am going to seriously look into this, because of its objective importance.”

    While Peisner notes that Avakian is "a prolific writer, publishing more than a dozen books," he also says that Avakian is "enigmatic." This would be laughable if the idiocy weren't so harmful: if you wanted this alleged "mystery" solved, you'd have to open one of those dozen books or read his work or watch interviews or listen to his social media messages—all of which are readily available, and all of which Peisner studiously ignores!

    As to the content of the new communism that Avakian has developed, C. Clark Kissinger, a longtime activist and revolutionary recently wrote the following:

    It is important to understand that the body of work that Avakian has created is not an add-on, a refinement, or a particular application of Marxism. Rather it is a qualitative leap in the science itself, comparable to the leap made by Marx. At the time of Marx, capitalism had consolidated state power in America and the major states of Europe, and was spreading across the globe like a metastatic cancer. Humanity had nothing to confront it with save bourgeois democracy, syndicalism, or utopian concepts of socialism, often based in religion. Marx changed all that with a scientific explanation of the capitalist system and what had to be done to abolish it.

    Today, with the defeat of the great revolutions of the 20th century, the globalization of capitalist production, the existential climate threat to the planet, and the world-wide spread of fascist movements, the old tools of bourgeois liberalism, social-democratic labor movements, and even the best of past communist thought, have been shown to be utterly inadequate to the challenges facing humanity. It is at this point that Bob Avakian has stepped forward to address what has to be done, but with a qualitatively transformed and more scientific, evidence-based method and approach. Avakian has given humanity the tools for its next great leap.

    The fact that the editors of Rolling Stone chose to publish this kind of vacuous garbage about something so significant is irresponsible and an indictment of a culture that skims on the surface, profoundly lacking in critical thinking and rigor. 

    For those who care about the extreme injustice being brought down on people here and all over the world: our heating planet, genocide and war, our neighbors kidnapped, the rule of law shredded, protest criminalized... for those who refuse to give in to the hopelessness and complicity and want to know whether a radically different future is possible, don't listen to the cynical naysayers and upholders of the status quo, have the courage and integrity to look into Bob Avakian's work for yourself.

  • ARTICLE:

    The Elephant in the Room

    Avakian Derangement Syndrome and Rolling Stone’s Creepy, Curiously Timed Attack on Refuse Fascism

    Editors’ note: This article by Paul Street, historian and author, originally appeared on February 5 at The Paul Street Report.

    If it looks like fascism, sounds like fascism, acts like fascism, dresses like fascism, talks like fascism, kills like fascism and lies like fascism, brothers and sisters, it’s fucking fascism. It’s here, it’s now. It’s in my city. It’s in your city, and it must be resisted, protested, defended against, stood up to, exposed, denounced, ousted, overthrown, and driven out!

    — Tom Morello, benefit concert in Minneapolis, January 30, 2026

    The most important aspect of [a recent anti-ICE] protest was the “elephant in the room.” An endless line of speakers went on for close to 2 hours in the freezing cold. They came from different points of view and had different particular focuses. But the one thing they shared in common was that none of them ever mentioned the need to drive out the fascist Trump regime… Speakers from different trends/organizations called out things that people hate …But not a word about driving out Trump before it is too late. Yet a huge percentage of the people there knew that is what it will take…

    — Refuse Fascism activist, January 31, 2026

    Remove the Dictator Now!

    — Statement on a protest sign at an Alex Pretti vigil, February 1, 2026

    Refuse Fascism has been ready for years to meet this moment—but have its ties to a former 1960s radical become an albatross hampering its ambitious agenda?

    Rolling Stone, January 26, 2026

    Paul Street

     

    Paul Street   

    Two Slogans Richly Borne Out

    There’s more than a little dark irony in Rolling Stone’s recent, largely negative, Bob Avakian-bashing piece on Refuse Fascism (RF), the organization that has stood out for nine-plus years for its dead-on understanding of and militant opposition to Donald Trump, Trumpism, and the Trump regime(s)9. Titled “The Antifascist Group Fighting Trump — and Some Critics on the Left,” the article was published just as terrible events in Minnesota including the extra-judicial execution of two peaceful protesters by Trump’s masked “immigration enforcement” gendarmes made it yet more undeniably clear that RF’s core slogans are well-matched to the current American and world historical moment:

    · “In the name of humanity, we refuse to accept a fascist America!”

    · “The Trump fascist regime must go now!”

    Nobody serious at this point can honestly deny that Trump, Trumpism, and the Trump47 regime fit RF’s definition of fascism:

    “Fascism is a qualitative change in how society is governed. Fascism foments and relies on xenophobic nationalism, racism, misogyny, and the aggressive re-institution of oppressive ‘traditional values.’ Fascist mobs and threats of violence are unleashed to build the movement and consolidate power. Fascism has direction and momentum. Dissent is piece by piece criminalized. The truth is bludgeoned. Group after group is demonized and targeted along a trajectory that leads to real horrors. All of this has taken dramatic leaps under the Trump MAGA regimes. What is crucial to understand is that once in power fascism essentially eliminates traditional democratic rights. No matter how it comes to power, fascism is never legitimate. History has shown that fascism must be stopped before it becomes too late.

    Trump’s first horrific year back in power demonstrates the correctness of two key points RF has been making since the orange-brushed ogre returned to power:

    · Nothing remotely like decency and fairness from the US government can arise without the removal of the fascist Trump regime.

    · Trying to wait out the Trump47 fascist regime and defeat it through coming rigged elections amounts to morally irresponsible advance capitulation to horrors inflicted at an ever-accelerating pace. (Even assuming — perhaps I should say imagining — non-rigged elections in 2026 and 2028, the very notion of letting the supremely destructive eco-fascist Trump-Miller-Vance-Hegseth-Rubio regime hold power until January 20, 2029, or even for another year is sheer madness.)

    Do you want “ICE [Mein Trumpf’s national Gestapo and/or SS] Out of Everywhere” (a welcome slogan I have seen on protest signs across the country in recent weeks), not just out of your own community? Do you stand against white supremacy? Do you oppose criminal attacks on other countries and support the international rule of law? Do you want to save livable ecology? Defend LGBT folks’ humanity? Want free and fair elections, basic constitutional rights, an independent media, respect for science, education, critical thinking, cultural freedom, truth, and basic human decency? Recognize and support women’s humanity and equality? Support the rights of asylum and flight from desperate poverty and violence across borders? Want a future worth living in?

    If you align with decent humanity by answering in the affirmative to these questions then you need to understand that the Trump regime must go and it must go NOW, before it’s too late. This is a fascist regime atop the American ship of state bidding to remake American government and society along fascist — meaning genocidally racist + militantly patriarchal + xenophobic nationalist + Christian fundamentalist + arch authoritarian and indeed dictatorial — lines. As Tom Morello said during his benefit concert in Minneapolis six days ago:

    “My friends, if it looks like fascism, sounds like fascism, acts like fascism, dresses like fascism, talks like fascism, kills like fascism and lies like fascism, brothers and sisters, it’s fucking fascism. It’s here, it’s now. It’s in my city. It’s in your city, and it must be resisted, protested, defended against, stood up to, exposed, denounced, ousted, overthrown, and driven out!”

    Bad Counsel to a Heart Attack Victim

    It’s negligent and even reckless to tell people to wait for future elections the Trump fascist regime has no intention of letting take place in a free and fair fashion, or of honoring if Trump doesn’t like the outcomes. It’s like instructing someone in the middle of a heart attack to take two aspirin and make sure to go to their regular scheduled check up with a really bad doctor — the dismal Democratic “inauthentic opposition” Party of Hollow Resistance in this analogy — who is himself very ill and who may well be dead nine and thirty three months out. Only a mass, determined, and sustained popular front movement determined to “unite all who can be united from many different viewpoints and perspectives” (the language of RF’s March 2025 Call to Conscience, Call to Action) around the demand that the Trump fascist regime be removed from power immediately can meet the moment. This is what RF has consistently called for and worked to being into being.

    “The Elephant in the Room”

    That — the Trump regime OUT NOW — is precisely the essential core demand that is missing in the righteous and inspiring anti-ICE protests that have sprung up across the country in response to the extrajudicial executions of Renee Good and Alex Pretti in Minneapolis. It’s the “elephant in the room” at these protests, this even as many who attend these welcome events know very

    The following brilliant report on one of these protests from an RF activist in a major US city resonates perfectly with what I have seen and heard across the US Midwest since Trump came back to power:

    “In reflecting on our experience there, our team generally agreed that the most important (but not necessarily self-evident) aspect of this event was the huge ‘elephant in the room.’ There was an endless line of speakers who went on for close to 2 hours in the freezing cold. They came from different points of view and had different particular focuses. But the one thing they shared in common was that none of them ever mentioned the need to drive out the fascist Trump regime. To a large degree this got over with the crowd (which was loudly supportive) because the speakers spoke to them in a variety of ways. They were very angry and militant — ‘Fuck Ice,’ ‘Drive Out Ice,’ ‘Shut Shit Down,’ ‘We need a General Strike.’ Many also spoke with a lot of heart about the solidarity they felt with immigrants. Speakers from different trends/organizations also called out things that people hate — racism, the genocide in Gaza, the attacks on people’s living standards, the insane amount spent on ‘defense’ as compared to education… But not a word about driving out Trump before it is too late. Yet a huge percentage of the people there knew that is what it will take to get rid of ICE and seriously challenge all the other horrors that were being spoken to. The reason we know this was in people’s minds is because that was the message we took to them with our banner, our materials and our interactions with them. IF you want to get rid of ICE, Trump Must Go Now! And we got nothing but agreement, often very strong agreement.”

    This is precisely my experience in a bright “blue” (Democratic Party-voting) university town where protest speakers remain stuck in electoral quicksand while politely dissenting from various Trump outrages but never calling for the fascist regime’s immediate removal. This elephantine silence on the speakers’ platforms persists even as people in the crowds below acknowledge (often in hushed tones) that Trump’s immediate removal is “what it will take to get rid of ICE and seriously challenge all the other horrors.” One of those people at a polite campus town vigil at a giant Veterans Administration hospital gave me this homemade sign while the liberal speakers advocated calm, peace, voting for (unmentionably dismal Weimar-like) Dems, and respect for collective bargaining rights:

    Hand made sign "Remove the Dictator NOW"

     

    Photo: Paul Street

    Essential Contributions from a Demonized “Cult Leader”

    How and why has RF been able to get it right from the start, unlike any other “Left” organization in the country except for the Revolutionary Communist Party (the RCP)? A big part of the answer is that RF’s leadership has prominently included RCP (“Revcom”) leaders who have long followed the talks and writings of the brilliant revolutionary communist theorist and strategist Bob Avakian. Avakian is a prolific historical and dialectical materialist who has been arguing for three decades that American capitalism (capitalism-imperialism in RCP language) and its attendant oppression structures and ideologies of bourgeois class rule, white supremacism, patriarchy, xenophobic nationalism and Christian fundamentalism were interacting with each other and with changes in the world capitalist system in such a way as to breed a US-American version of fascism — no small problem atop the most lethal imperial superpower in history in a time of climate catastrophe and a world chock full of nuclear weapons! By Avakian’s “scientific” analysis, with which I agree, this US Amerikaner fascism poses a grave existential menace not just to previously normative US bourgeois electoral and rule of law “democracy” and to social and political gains won by past American people’s movements, but to humanity itself.

    Avakian’s warnings and the analysis behind them have been thoroughly born out during the first and second Trump presidencies and during the pathetic, fascism-enabling Biden interregnum. Like the Obama presidencies, the Biden White House was a perfect match for Avakian and the Revcoms’ understanding (and my own understanding developed well before I ever read a word by Avakian) of the Democratic Party as hopelessly captive to US capitalism and imperialism in ways that make it incapable of fighting fascism the way it needs to be fought.

    It’s not too much to say that RF has stood in the moral and intellectual vanguard of the struggle against Trumpism-fascism largely because of Avakian’s intellectual work. The person Peisner calls “an albatross” around RF, Avakian, is the main reason that RF has, through the influence of its openly RCP-affiliated co-founders and leaders, “been ready for years to meet this moment” — far more ready than any other group in the US other than the RCP itself.

    It’s not just that Avakian’s distinctive understanding of how the underlying oppression systems that shape America and the world have produced the monstrous Trump fascist regime. It’s also about Avakian’s consistent and penetrating critique of what passes for a Left in the US and indeed around the world — a “Left” that has failed to “meet this moment” because of its many decidedly un- and anti-revolutionary afflictions, including deadly over-attachments to: crippling subjectivist identity politics, the deadly “quicksand” of ballot-fetishizing electoral politics, reductionist and imperially parasitic economism, outworn prole fetishism, ubiquitous incremental reformism, excessive localism, mutual-aid-ism, anti-statism, anti-vanguardism, individualism, spontaneitism, anti-intellectualism, academic careerism, and more. These disorders, to which the Revcoms are more inoculated than any other radical group thanks to Avakian’s long intellectual toil, have produced a “radical left” that has often been shockingly incapable of grasping:

    · The fascist essence of Trumpism and the core historical and material ingredients of the Amerikaner fascist mix concentrated in the Trump movement and party. 

    · The Trump47 administration as a fascist regime imminently threatening to impose a new form of dictatorial governance. 

    · The urgent need for a mass and sustained peoples’ uprising to force the removal of the Trump regime before it cements fascist rule atop world history’s most dangerous and lethal superpower — and before the damage it inflicts on the world is irreversible. 

    I have for years been struck by the remarkable inability and dogged refusal of even certain avowedly Marxist organizations of the sort that one regularly sees at protests to acknowledge the very basic fact, now more obvious than ever, that the Trump regime is fascist. Activists from two of these groups (both of which I will leave unnamed in the interest of popular front unity) have absurdly told me that peoples’ ability to stand together at a protest without being slaughtered en masse by the government was proof that it is not yet appropriate to use the F-word! They argue that you shouldn’t say fascism until fascism has fully consolidated lethal state power to the point where all protest is drowned in blood. This absurd head-in-the-sand position informs their creepy insistence on opposing “the Trump agenda” without calling for the end of the Trump regime itself. 

    Which brings to mind another medical analogy. Anyone who tells you we aren’t really dealing with fascism because the regime isn’t mowing us all down in the streets is like someone telling you that you don’t have throat cancer until a malignant tumor in your neck prevents you from swallowing and speaking.

    And, oh, by the way, 40-plus people have died in ICE detention since Trump came back to power and the last year, and the Trump regime just carried out two public extrajudicial executions of protesters in Minneapolis. Like Morello says: “if it kills like fascism…”

    After Trump

    It’s not just about how to understand and fight the Trump regime, it’s also about what comes after the removal of that regime. If Avakian is right, and all the intellectual and political work I’ve done over the last three decades tells me he is, fascism cannot be swept into the dustbin of history unless and until humanity rises up to carry out an actual socialist revolution designed to create a world beyond all oppression and exploitation — towards a communist future in which the reigning maxim is “from each according to their abilities, to each according to their needs.”

    RF’s “Ambitious Agenda”

    “Refuse Fascism,” the opening blurb atop Rolling Stone’s article reads, “has been ready for years to meet this moment — but have its ties to a former 1960s radical become an albatross hampering its ambitious agenda?” (emphasis added) 

    Beneath the faint if deserved praise, this is an odd statement. The 1960s ended 56 years ago, on January 1, 1970, meaning that anyone who was a radical during the 1960s is “a former 1960s radical.” Avakian is still alive, thinking and writing at a good pace, making him an ongoing 2020s radical, not a wax museum character from another century (though I’m sure his many haters/“critics…on the left” would embrace that image).

    RF’s “ambitious agenda?” Try instead “Refuse Fascism’s urgent and selfless call for masses and organizations to rise up before it’s too late against a fascist regime that threatens all prospects for a decent human future?” 

    Rolling Stone fails here to ask why this hasn’t become the “ambitious agenda” of other liberal, progressive, and left organizations, as is urgently required?

    Avakian Derangement Syndrome (ADS)

    “There isn’t another organization [other than the RCP, that is],” the Revcom and RF leader Andy Zee told David Peisner, “that has the analysis that this is a fascist regime, it’s consolidating very rapidly, that you can’t count on the normal processes of how this country is governed to redress this. Avakian made that analysis. There wouldn’t have been a Refuse Fascism without that analysis.”

    That’s an accurate and suggestive observation, worthy of follow-up, given Peisner’s acknowledgement that RF “has been ready for years to meet this moment” (unlike any left, liberal or progressive group, Peisner fails to note), no?

    Not for Peisner. Instead of digging into Avakian’s writing and talks on these topics, something that seems required for a responsible report on his subject, Peisner spoke to marginal US lefties who told the journalist that the RCP is nothing more than a “cult of personality” around Avakian — and that RF should therefore be dismissed. And instead of engaging the troubling topic of why the non- and anti-Avakian US “Left” (few of whose adherents could tell you a single substantive and serious thing about Avakian’s writings and talks) has failed “to meet this [fascist] moment,” Peisner is content to quote failing and anonymous (except for an unknown “Marxist” named Max Elbaum) “Left” activists on why the RCP and therefore RF supposedly suck.

    This raises a question for Rolling Stone: might it be that part of what is “hampering” the struggle against Trumpism-fascism is some of “the Left’s” curiously anti-intellectual posture10 toward a leading communist thinker who has run — written and spoken — circles around any other radical thinker on what we are really up against and what it will take to defeat it? We might think of this as a form of anti-communist “Avakian Derangement Syndrome” (ADS), a condition that would have a less lethal impact if there was a single other radical thinker anywhere close to Avakian when it comes to breaking down the current historical moment and what is to be done to meet that moment. No such intellectual has shown their face to date, reflecting a great moral and intellectual vacuum on “the Left.”

    Translation 

    Throughout most of his article, Peisner purports to stay neutral, seemingly content to let “Left critics” do the Revcom- and Avakian-, and RF-bashing. Here is an exception to that:

    “Refuse Fascism has sometimes been portrayed as part of a bait-and-switch being pulled on Trump-hating progressives to lure them into the cult of Bob11. It’s not that. The Refuse Fascism organizers I meet are sincere in their desperation to oust Trump. Those who are RevComs mostly come off as smart, well-meaning, and sensible, as long as they’re not talking about Avakian.”

    It was decent of Peisner to acknowledge the sincerity of RF activists’ desire to remove Trump, but here is a useful translation of the last sentence in that passage: “The Revcoms in RF don’t actually talk all that much about Avakian because they know that liberal anti-communist journalists like me and much of what passes for a US ‘Left’ have sticks up our asses about Bob Avakian even though we know next to nothing about his work. I pressed Revcom-affiliated RF activists with questions about Avakian and they responded by saying things that came off to me as dumb, ill-intentioned, and silly. This is because I have been programmed by ruling class ideology to think of revolutionary communism as foolish, bad, and senseless.”

    That programming strikes me as an albatross wrapped around Peisner’s mind.

    Curious and Creepy Timing

    What is David Peisner’s “ambitious agenda”? At the risk of sounding conspiratorial, there’s something unnerving about the timing of the liberal and left attacks that have been launched against Revcom activists who have dared to play leadership roles in US social and political movements. Three and a half years ago, liberal and leftish abortion rights groups undertook a malevolent and slanderous neo-McCarthyite assault on Rise of 4 Abortion Rights (RU4AR) because one of RU4AR’s three founders was the brilliant revolutionary communist and open “follower of Bob Avakian” Sunsara Taylor The attack was launched right after the Supreme Court’s horrific female-enslaving Dobbs decision was handed down without facing serious and sustained mass resistance from the liberal Democratic women’s and pro-choice “movement.” It came just as the correctness and righteousness of RU4AR’s position, highly critical of the cringing surrender advanced by the Planned Parenthood establishment, was being demonstrated. The timing of this vicious, COINTELPRO-like campaign against RU4AR was certainly about more than coincidence.

    Last fall, the liberal-leftish “Veterans Against Fascism” leader and social media “influencer” Kristofer Goldsmith launched a malicious and mendacious neo-McCarthyite online (Substack and Instagram) attack on RF. Goldsmith accused RF of being nothing more than the tool of a nefarious Avakian “cult”3 seeking to take over the minds of decent anti-Trump activists, like something out of the movie Invasion of the Body Snatchers.

    The timing of Goldsmith’s creepy online strike was less than random. It was launched as thousands converged in Washington DC on November 22nd to call and lobby for Trump’s impeachment at a “Remove the [Trump] Regime” rally linked to a free anti-Trump concert featuring a popular progressive folk-rock group (the Dropkick Murphys). The rally came in the wake of RF’s success in bringing thousands to DC on November 5 demanding Trump Out Now. Like its June 14 rally in DC, RF’s November 5 action captured mainstream media attention, including a favorable reference on MSNBC’s (now MS NOW's) influential Rachel Maddow Show.

    Goldsmith’s unprincipled smear of RF reflected his determination to keep anti-Trump sentiments safely and dysfunctionally channeled into establishment institutions by inoculating masses arriving for “Remove the Regime” from RF’s essential understanding that the Trump regime must be brought down through mass action now, not after mid-term or presidential elections that:

    • are too far in the future considering the incredible and potentially irreversible damage the Trump47 regime does every single day and hour.
    • the Trump regime is ready, willing, able, and already moving to subvert.
    • the Trump regime will not honor if they don’t go its way.

    Peisner’s Rolling Stone article is based mainly on in-person research he undertook in Washington DC nearly three months ago. Why did it just appear now, just as the regime’s terror in Minnesota has masses of people there cheering Tom Morello after the rocker says, “it’s fucking fascism…here… now….in my city…in your city, and it must be resisted, protested, defended against, stood up to, exposed, denounced, ousted, overthrown, and driven out”? As my leftish friend “Bumps” Willard likes to say, “think about it.” Do such moments call for certain semi-influential liberals and progressives like Goldsmith and Peisner to do the work of the right by working to demean and marginalize those who would rally the people for a struggle commensurate to the fascist menace we face?

    Are the Goldsmiths and Peisners of the world part of the controlled and inauthentic opposition, tasked with keeping peoples’ movements confined within the limited terms of the nation’s capitalist and imperialist masters, many of whom have now shifted from previously “normal” bourgeois democracy to fascism? I have no X-ray vision into the minds of Peisner and his Rolling Stone editors but it’s hard not to suspect that their article was saved for a moment when events again proved with special forces the correctness of RF’s Avakian-influenced diagnosis and prescription. Do such moments call for good American liberals and progressives to do the work of the right by working to demean and marginalize those who would rally the people for a struggle commensurate to the menace we face?

    “Which Side Are You On?”

    Which side are Peisner, Rolling Stone’s editors and publisher, and Peisner’s purported RF “critics on the Left” on? Here we are smack dab in the middle of a rolling advanced bid for the fascist takeover and makeover of American government and society along the lines of what Avakian has been warning about (and explaining) for many years, and these ADS purveyors/victims are devoting time and energy to taking down Avakian’s followers in the organization that has done more than any other to “meet the moment” — to struggle to alert the American people to the fascist menace that they and all of humanity face and how to defeat it — thanks in great part to Avakian’s work. Adding to the dark comedy, RF has consistently conducted itself in accord with Avakian’s call for popular front unity and selfless movement solidarity across political and ideological differences — the exact opposite of the snarky divisiveness reflected and advanced in Peisner’s curiously timed report.

    Peisner and his editors are free to criticize and reject RF for whatever reasons they like, of course, but their not-so veiled anti-communist attack on RF and the Revcoms raises an interesting question: what other group or groups, if any, do they see as “ready to meet the moment” by addressing “the elephant in the room” — the need to drive out Trump before it is too late”?! RF would I’m sure like to hear from any such organizations. It has never maintained that it can carry out its “ambitious agenda” on its own! It has long called for everyone and anyone who hates what the Trump regime is doing to America and the world to rise up in a great and diverse movement to make America ungovernable by deranged and debased fascist monsters like Trump, Stephen Miller, Russell Vought, Pete Hegseth, Sam Alito, Pam Bondi, JD Vance, Marco Rubio, Mike Johnson, Elon Musk, Larry Ellison, Joe Lonsdale, Tom Homan, Clarence Thomas, John Thune, Steve Bannon, Josh Hawley, and Cory Lewandowski, et al. 

    Peisner, Goldsmith, and other liberals and lefties can whine all they want about big bad Bob Avakian, but the raging fascist Trump regime will not be stopped any other way than what Avakian, the Revcoms, and RF say: “Humanity’s only hope is for the decent people of this country to rise in our millions. We cannot wait for future and rigged elections. We must drive the Trump Fascist Regime from power.

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. Full disclosure: I have been on the board of Refuse Fascism (RF) for three years. That said, the present essay does NOT purport to represent an official RF response to Rolling Stone’s article on RF. It is possible if not probable that folks in RF’s leadership and membership would disagree with things said in this essay. The hat I am wearing here is that of a professional political commentator, though of course my perspective is influenced by what I have experienced and learned through my participation in RF. It could not be otherwise. [back]

    2. People interested in getting a handle on Avakian’s contributions and on his “left critics” might find these essays of mine useful by way of introduction: “In Defense of Bob Avakian and the Revcoms,” January 29, 2024 https://thebobavakianinstitute.org/defense-of-bob-avakian-revcoms-pt1/ ; “Against Neo-McCarthyism and More,” February 5, 2024, https://thebobavakianinstitute.org/defense-of-avakian-revcoms-pt2/; “Part 3: More Left Slander and Stupidity,” February 5, 2024, https://thebobavakianinstitute.org/defense-of-avakian-revcoms-pt3/. An excellent introduction to Avakian’s “new communism” is found in Clark Kissinger, “85 Down, I Still Have 15 to Go... but Trump Has to Go Now,” January12, 2026, https://revcom.us/en/85-down-i-still-have-15-go-trump-has-go-now. Also highly recommended: Ishak Baran and KJA, “Ajith: A Portrait of a Residue of the Past,” Demarcations (December 2014), https://demarcations-journal.org/issue04/ajith_a_portrait_of_the_residue_of_the_past.pdf. [back]

    3. In my experience, the cult charge is ridiculous. Over the years, Revcoms have merely suggested to me that I include Avakian’s writings and talks in the field of commentary and analysis I consult in trying to make sense of the world and determine what is to be done about the lethal mess capitalism and related oppression structures and ideologies have made for humanity. Imagine that. I’ve done something apparently unusual among Western left intellectuals in response to these suggestions: read, listened to, and learned from Avakian. How cultish of me! I did the same with Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky, Mao, Gabriel Kolko, Michael Parenti, Giovanni Arrighi, Paul Sweezy, Samir Amin, Eric Hobsbawm, Raymond Lotta, EP Thompson, Eric Foner, EH Carr, Raymond Williams, CB Mcpherson, Ralph Miliband, WEB DuBois, C Wright Mills, Jean Paul Sartre, Simone de Beauvoir, William Appleman Williams, George Orwell, Rosa Luxembourg, Albert Camus, Albert Soboul, David Harvey, David Montgomery, John Bellamy Foster, Michael Yates, Ellen Meikens-Wood, Rachel Carson, Barry Commoner, Andreas Malm, Immanuel Wallerstein, David Graeber, Ralph Nader, Henry Giroux, Terry Eagleton, Arnold Kettle, Naomi Klein, Margaret George, Harry Braverman, Alex Carey, Alexander Cockburn, Patrick Cockburn, Michael Albert, Richard Wolff, Rudolph Rocker, Thomas Piketty, Doug Henwood, Noam Chomsky, and countless other intellectuals and activists. On a personal note, I have never seen Revcoms do or say anything regarding Avakian that even slightly resembles the slavish devotion I have seen mass crowds exhibit towards the social democratic reformers Bernie Sanders and Noam Chomsky, both of whom have been (a) absurdly reluctant to elementarily acknowledge Trump’s fascist essence and (b) avoiders of “the elephant in the room” — the need to drive the Trump fascist out now, before it’s too late. Don’t get me started on the cults built up around Barack Obama and John Edwards during the Iowa presidential caucus campaign that I covered and followed in 2007-08. [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    Celebrate 250 Years of America? NO! America Was NEVER “Great”
    We Need an Emancipating Revolution!

    This year, the 250th anniversary of the founding of the United States, will see an ugly torrent of red-white-and-blue celebrations of America as a “great country”—spearheaded by Donald “Make America Great Again” Trump. This is a celebration of America now led by fascists. But the truth is that America was NEVER “great,” whoever was heading up the government. 

    As revolutionary leader Bob Avakian said, if people are stung by that truth about America, they need to look at reality:

    This “Republic” to which we are supposed to pledge allegiance was founded on slavery and genocidal robbery: keeping millions of Black people in chains for generations... killing off huge numbers of Native Americans and stealing their land... waging a war that ripped off half of Mexico, greatly expanding slavery.

    So, was this a great country all during that time—when millions of people were enslaved—owned by bloodsuckers who constantly whipped the slaves to make them work harder under horrific conditions, slave-owners who raped masses of enslaved women? Was this country great then?!

    Was it great when, for generations after slavery was formally ended, Black people as a whole were segregated, discriminated against, and continually terrorized, with repeated massacres of Black people and thousands of Black people lynched? Was it great when, all during that time, LGBT people were “illegal,” when women were legally treated as inferior to men—and men could legally rape their wives? Was it a great country then?!

    Or is it great, now, when people are everyday denied basic rights? When the police kill a thousand people every year, especially people of color, and in the 60 years since Civil Rights Acts were passed, segregation and discrimination has remained as bad, or worse, as it ever was, and thousands of Black people have been killed by police—even greater numbers than all those who were lynched during all the years of Ku Klux Klan terror after the Civil War!

    Has this country ever been great, when, right from the beginning and down to today, the whole thing has literally been built on the broken bodies, the blood and bones, of millions and now billions of people, worldwide—cruelly exploited, used and abused, by this system—with all this backed up by murder on a massive scale carried out by the police and the armed forces of this country?

    No, this country has never been great. It has always been a horror for masses of people. 

    (from social media message REVOLUTION #2: When has the U.S. been a “great country”?)

    It’s way past time for this system—capitalism-imperialism—that rules in this country, dominates the world and now has spawned fascist rule, to be thoroughly abolished, through an actual revolution.

    Below is Part 2 of a series that highlights aspects of how 250 years of America has been nothing but a horror for the masses of people, here and around the world. We begin with a piece on the 1953 CIA coup that overthrew the elected government of Iran and brought in the bloody U.S.-backed regime of the Shah. We call on our readers to send in your contributions to this series—articles, video, audio, artwork, social media posts. Email revolution.reports@yahoo.com or message @therevcoms via social media.

    See also Part 1: American Crime Case #98: 1953 CIA Coup in Iran: Torture and Repression–Made in the U.S.A.

    Part 2: American Crime Case #12: The 1921 Tulsa Massacre and the Destruction of Black Wall Street

    Oklahoma’s statehood in 1907 coincided with the discovery of oil, and the boom years that followed saw its population grow from 10,000 in 1910 to 100,000 a decade later. This included a significant number of Black people, looking for a better life, and hoping to escape the worst of Jim Crow Mississippi, Georgia, and other states of the Old South. In 1921, Tulsa was strictly segregated; Black people could work in town, but all Black residents were required to live and shop in the Greenwood District of Northern Tulsa. In time, Greenwood’s segregated economy, self-contained and self-sufficient, was so successful that it became known nationally as the “Black Wall Street.” About 11,000 Black residents lived in the Greenwood neighborhood. Black-owned grocery stores, banks, libraries, hotels, restaurants, movie theaters, and more lined Greenwood Avenue.

    Tulsa_Race_Massacre-1921-600px.jpg
    Tulsa_Race_Massacre-1921-600px.jpg

     

    Black neighborhood of Greenwood burned down by white racist mobs during Tulsa Massacre, 1921.

    American Crime Case #12: The 1921 Tulsa Massacre and the Destruction of Black Wall Street
    From The RNL—Revolution Nothing Less!—Show

    THE CRIME

    On May 30, 1921, Dick Rowland, a 19-year-old Black shoe shiner working downtown, entered the elevator of the only building with a restroom Blacks could use in the area. Sarah Page, a white 17-year-old, was the elevator operator. When the door closed, Page cried out, and Rowland ran off. The most common explanation is that Rowland just stepped on Page’s foot. But Rowland was alleged—without evidence—to have assaulted Page. He was arrested the next morning and held in a jail cell above City Hall.

    That afternoon, the Tulsa Tribune ran the headline “Nab Negro for Attacking Girl in Elevator,” suggesting that Page had been raped, and editorialized: “To Lynch Negro Tonight.” Within an hour of the paper hitting the streets a lynch mob in the hundreds descended on the courthouse.

    Word spread throughout Greenwood that whites were storming the courthouse and Rowland was in danger. After debating how to respond, at 9 pm a group of 25 armed Black men, some veterans of World War 1, drove to the courthouse determined to stop the lynching. They got out with their rifles and shotguns, and offered their support to the local authorities. Their offer was refused, and they left.

    But the white mob was incensed, and grew into the thousands in no time as word spread, more and more coming with weapons. At 10 pm a group of 75 Black men returned to the courthouse after new rumors that a lynching was imminent. They marched single file to the courthouse steps. Again, their offer of help to protect Rowland was refused. A white man approached an armed Black army veteran and demanded he turn over his gun. A fight broke out, and a gun went off.

    Historian and author Scott Ellsworth wrote: “While the first shot fired at the court house may have been unintentional, those that followed were not. Almost immediately, members of the white mob—and possibly some law enforcement officers—opened fire on the African American men, who returned volleys of their own. The initial gunplay lasted only a few seconds, but when it was over, as many as a dozen men, both black and white, lay dead or wounded. Out numbered more than twenty-to-one, the black men began a retreating fight toward the African American district, with armed whites in close pursuit.”1

    “They tried to kill all the black folks they could see,” a survivor, George Monroe, recalled in the 1999 documentary The Night Tulsa Burned.

    Shortly after the fighting broke out at the courthouse, a large number of whites—many who’d been part of the lynch mob—gathered outside police headquarters nearby. There, as many as 500 white men and boys were sworn in as “Special Deputies” and told to “Get a gun and get a nigger.” Weapons were passed out by other deputies from a sporting goods store across the street. White rioters began firing on Blacks and setting fire to Black-owned homes and businesses late into the night.

    “Tuesday night, May 31, was the riot, and Wednesday morning, by day break, was the invasion.” (Unidentified observer to a reporter)

    As dawn approached, thousands of armed whites—some estimated as many as 10,000—gathered in three locations on the edges of Greenwood. A siren sounded at daybreak, and the mobs of white terrorists launched their invasion.

    These armed white mobs included over 150 Tulsa police. They set about systematically killing, looting, and burning the entire district of Greenwood, block by block. Armed whites broke into Black homes and businesses and forced the people outside, where they were led away at gunpoint to internment centers set up by the authorities. Anyone who resisted was shot. If guns were found inside, the occupant was shot. The homes and businesses were looted, then set on fire with torches and oil-soaked rags. House by house, block by block, Greenwood was demolished. Airplanes were used to shoot Black people from the air and drop kerosene bombs on buildings, setting them ablaze.

    Throughout this assault, Black Tulsans, while tremendously outnumbered, fought back. Riflemen took positions atop the belfry of a newly built church to temporarily halt the advance of the white invasion. But the church was burned to the ground. These attempts at resistance could not be maintained because the deputized police and the National Guard units arrested 6,000 Greenwood residents. Black Tulsans did not go down without a fight, but they were out-gunned and out-numbered. “Survivors recounted black bodies loaded on trains and dumped off bridges into the Arkansas River and, most frequently, tossed into mass graves.”2

    By noon on June 1, these white mobs had murdered more than 300 Black Tulsa residents. They had turned 40 square blocks of Greenwood into a scorched wasteland. This included 1,256 homes destroyed, along with virtually every other structure—including churches, schools, businesses, even a hospital and library. “Not one of these criminal acts was then or ever has been prosecuted or punished by government at any level, municipal, county, state, or federal.” (Tulsa Race Riot: A Report by the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921)

    After order was restored, the Black people who’d been detained were released, but only if signed for by a white person, who also had to agree to accept responsibility for that detainee’s subsequent behavior. More than 10,000 residents were left homeless. Thousands of Black Tulsans spent the winter living in tents. Many left for good, having had enough of Tulsa, Oklahoma.

    THE CRIMINALS

    The racist mobs of thousands of white Tulsans were directly responsible for the horror inflicted on the people of Greenwood.

    The Tulsa police chief and Tulsa deputies had a direct hand in arming, deputizing, and directing the mobs from the very start of the killing of Black Tulsans.

    The Tulsa city officials played a decisive role by refusing to take any action to stop the racial massacre. And shortly afterwards, these same officials passed a zoning ordinance that made it too expensive for the Greenwood residents to rebuild their homes.

    The local units of the National Guard, by arresting every Black resident of Tulsa they could find and taking them into “protective custody,” left Greenwood property unprotected and aided the “special deputies” who came to burn it. The after-action reports by the local guardsmen show they saw their job not as protecting the people of Greenwood, but putting down the supposed “Negro uprising.”

    The Oklahoma State Troopers did not arrive from Oklahoma City until the annihilation of Greenwood was over; arriving earlier could have prevented some of the worst crimes from taking place.

    The governor of Oklahoma, from the very start, treated the events in Tulsa as a Black “insurrection.”

    The extent of the Ku Klux Klan’s involvement and possible lead role in this heinous act of terror hasn’t been proved, but “Tulsa’s atmosphere reeked with a Klan-like stench that oozed through the robes of the Hooded Order.” (Tulsa Race Riot report.) At that time many of the city’s most prominent men were Klansmen, including the lawyer assigned to represent Dick Rowland. Photographs of the Tulsa massacre were made into postcards, including a close-up of a charred Black body; and another of the Greenwood District in ruins.

    THE ALIBI

    The blame for the Tulsa Massacre was, from the very start, fully put on Greenwood’s Black residents—calling it a “Negro Uprising,” or “Insurrection.” A grand jury investigation organized by Oklahoma’s governor in the days after the massacre concluded:

    We find that the recent race riot was the direct result of an effort on the part of a certain group of colored men who appeared at the court house on the night of May 31, 1921, for the purpose of protecting one Dick Rowland ...There was no mob spirit among the whites, no talk of lynching and no arms. The assembly was quiet until the arrival of armed Negroes, which precipitated and was the direct cause of the entire affair.

    THE REAL MOTIVE

    The economic success of the people of Black Tulsa—including home, business, and land ownership—fueled resentment, fear, and jealousy within the white community. Many of Greenwood’s Black residents were living more successful lives than white Tulsans. In a community, and a country, where white supremacy was taken for granted—and counted on—the success of the people of Greenwood was seen as a provocation.

    The Tulsa Massacre, and the 1919 “Red Summer” of anti-Black violence that preceded it (see American Crime Case #15), took place at a time when the U.S. rulers needed to maintain the brutal oppression of Black people and white supremacy under changing conditions. The beginning of the Great Migration saw Black people leaving the rural South to find work in the cities of the North. Among them were Black veterans of World War 1, returning with a defiant spirit and less willingness to put up with open Jim Crow degradation and terror. Those in power faced the “need” for Black people to be beaten into submission through terror, their defiant spirit suppressed, and white people (including oppressed white people) enlisted to serve and identify with the exploitative, white supremacist order.

    Resources:

     


    1. “The Tulsa Race Riot,” by Dr. Scott Ellsworth, an essay in Tulsa Race Riot: A Report by the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921.  [back]

    2. Washington Post, September 18, 2018.  [back]

    BAsics-1-1-554-en.jpg

     

    American Crime Ad for whole series with image of U.S. airstrike in Gaza.

     

  • ARTICLE:

    From RefuseFascism.org:

    One Year of Trump 2.0
    A Year of Lawless Murder and Boundless Terror

    The Trump Fascist Regime Must Go Now

    Revcom.us editors’ note: We are reposting this statement received from RefuseFascism.org.

    The Trump regime rode into 2026 on a rampage. From Venezuela to the streets of Minneapolis, the regime murders with impunity and demonizes whole peoples and countries without any pretense of the rule of law.

    On January 7, an ICE agent murdered Renee Good in cold blood for daring to stand up for her immigrant neighbors. On January 24, CBP agents beat Alex Pretti to the ground and executed him. These are Trump’s Gestapo thugs—unleashed in Minneapolis on a campaign of terror and vengeance. The regime has responded not with accountability, but with lies, justifying murder through the twisted logic that anyone who resists deserves to be shot down.

    This is fascism, a different form of brutal rule to enforce white supremacist, patriarchal, and xenophobic oppression and violence. As long as this regime remains in power, this terror will not only continue—it will accelerate. The events of this month—from illegally bombing Venezuela and kidnapping the leader of a sovereign nation to murdering civilians in the streets—have brought this home in blood and should dispel any complacency.

    This regime will not be bound by any laws or measures of decency that stop them from advancing their aims. They have:

    • begun genocidal ethnic cleansing of non-white immigrants, rounded up and sent to concentration camps by lawless masked men;
    • unleashed war and terror abroad, while moving aggressively to crush dissent at home;
    • branded anti-fascist protesters and political opponents as “domestic terrorists,” laying the groundwork for mass repression.

    SHREDDING ANY RULE OF U.S. OR INTERNATIONAL LAW, and getting away with it over and over, is paving the way for horrors that surpass those of the Nazi regime. There is no living with this.

    San Francisco Refuse Fascism contingent, January 11, 2026

     

    San Francisco, January 11, 2026    IG: nate_love

    The protests in Minneapolis and across this country have been righteous and inspiring. They must continue—and they must grow. And we must join our righteous fury in the streets with the only demand that truly measures up to the threat this regime poses to all of humanity:

    Trump Must Go Now!

    No community is safe while the fascist Trump regime controls federal agencies and consolidates power. There is no restraining or abolishing ICE when Trump’s attacks on immigrants are the battering ram and linchpin of his fascist program. To stop ICE terror—and every outrage of the last year—the whole regime must be stopped.

    Nothing but massive nonviolent struggle by you, and millions of others like you, can do that. By walking out. By shutting down. By millions rising in massive, unrelenting, nonviolent protest and resistance. By coming back stronger in the face of attack and repression. By uniting, not dividing, across many viewpoints and backgrounds.

    We must not wait for future and rigged elections.

    The power of the people must drive the Trump Fascist Regime out of power now—before it is too late.

    ICE Must Go
    The Whole Trump Fascist Regime Must Go Now
    In the Name of Humanity, We Refuse to Accept a Fascist America

  • ARTICLE:

    Featured video this week from Bob Avakian:

    They’re selling postcards of the hanging...

    Excerpt from 2003 speech “Revolution: Why It’s Necessary, Why It’s Possible, What It’s All About” 

    Bob Avakian: They're selling postcards of the hangings
  • ARTICLE:

    In These Historic Times
    Donate to Maintain a Robust Revcom.us!

    $20,000 needed by March 1, 2026

    Updated

    20000.00
    8907.00

    As of
    Goal: $20,000
    Raised: $8,907

    Daily, the truth of these words from Bob Avakian (BA) stand out more sharply:

    We, the people of the world, can no longer afford to allow these imperialists to continue to dominate the world and determine the destiny of humanity. They need to be overthrown as quickly as possible. And it is a scientific fact that we do not have to live this way.

    As we embark on a year that will be full of new demands and much struggle in the fight for a radically different and far better world, revcom.us is launching a drive to raise $20,000 to continue to maintain a robust Revolution website. 

    As the Trump regime accelerates its brutal moves to consolidate fascism in the U.S., with all the horrors on top of horrors that will bring to people here and the world over, this website is more crucial than ever. Revcom.us must play a key role in leading the revolutionary way out of this madness to a whole different world.

    It is at revcom.us that people here and in over 150 countries worldwide can access the full range of work (in English and Spanish) that BA has done over decades in bringing forward the new communism. Bob Avakian has scientifically analyzed that we are in a critical historical juncture—a rare time when an actual revolution has become more possible in this country. And through his interviews, writings and social media messages @BobAvakianOfficial, he charts the road forward to both the need and possibility of making revolution, speaking to the burning questions of the hour. 

    BA has been sounding the alarm about the rise of fascism for 30 years, and his analysis of its roots in the system of capitalism-imperialism is essential to understand not only what we face, but how this regime can be driven from power. This is concentrated in the compilation available at revcom.us—Bob Avakian’s Work on Fascism: 1996-2025.

    BA is the author of the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, which contains the sweeping vision and concrete blueprint for a socialist society that is in transition to a communist world—a world in which humanity will be emancipated from all forms and relations of exploitation and oppression, and from the ignorance and selfishness required and perpetuated by systems based on exploitation. Revcom.us is where people can read this Constitution and dig into what it says—like in the current series on how the new socialist state would deal with relations with other countries in a way that is totally different from what U.S. imperialism does around the world, and even from the way previous socialist states have handled this question.

    This new socialist system can only be brought about through an actual revolution involving millions in which the old machinery of exploitation, domination and oppression is not reformed but abolished. Revcom.us makes available to people the strategy that BA has forged for how to make this revolution, in this most powerful and destructive empire in history. 

    Revcom.us is where people go each week for urgently needed, scientific, internationalist exposure and analysis of world events—from the uprising in Iran, to the fascist MAGA moves across the Western Hemisphere and other parts of the world… attacks on women and trans people… persecution and brutalization of immigrants and Black people… existential threats to humanity from climate change caused by this system and war, possibly nuclear war, between imperialists… and much more. In this moment, revcom.us reports on the fascist moves Trump is making, exposing the roots of this fascism in the history of this country and in the capitalist-imperialist system.

    It is at revcom.us that people can learn about and connect with the REVCOM CORPS For The Emancipation Of Humanity. It’s where people can join with others in the movement for revolution and get the guidance and find the ways to contribute to and work together, in a unified way to not only wage the struggle to drive out the Trump regime, but as a part of preparing the ground and the people for the revolution that is so urgently needed.  

    Revcom.us is a lifeline for people agonizing about what is happening in the U.S. and world and seeking solutions—giving people a scientific understanding of what is happening, why it is happening, what is in the interests of humanity, and how to emancipate humanity through revolution. It must be accessible to all, and maintained and expanded. The $20,000 needed must be raised by the end of February. 

    Be part of supporting and building a community around revcom.us. DONATE GENEROUSLY.

    An Update on the Revcom.us Fund Drive: 
    The Dynamic Factor of C. Clark Kissinger’s Article

    The 2026 fund drive to sustain and expand the reach of revcom.us has begun. Meeting the initial match of $2,000 collectively contributed by volunteers on the staff has propelled this drive forward. We still have $11,369 to raise by the end of February, but the donations made so far really matter to being able to maximize this website’s role in fighting for revolution and a new society.

    In reaching out to donors, we want to share how important the recent piece by C. Clark Kissinger on the occasion of his 85th birthday—“85 Down, I Still Have 15 to Go… but Trump Has to Go Now!”—has been in connecting with new readers as well as longtime supporters and readers of revcom.us.

    A number of people who contributed to the drive have spoken to the impact that Clark’s article had on compelling them to donate. Just a few of these comments:

    “Wow! Wow! Wow!”

    “This was quite impressive… that this person is projecting this kind of revolutionary spirit and burning at this age and looking forward to more. This new synthesis [of communism developed by Bob Avakian, including] how freedom can be wrenched from necessity—it’s like opening the door to something that one might have previously thought not possible.”

    “The whole piece resonates but it was helpful to see it put together like that and something important to reflect on especially the breakthroughs brought forward by BA. For me, especially the understanding of internationalism. ... Part 3 in [Clark’s] piece on the new communism gives people a ‘sense of real hope in these extremely dark times.’”

    Contributing to maintaining and expanding the coverage and reach of revcom.us is crucial at this historic juncture—a rare time when revolution has become more possible in this country. Key in this is the role of revcom.us in projecting Avakian's leadership and the new communism he has forged. As Clark says in his article: “Today, with the defeat of the great revolutions of the 20th century, the globalization of capitalist production, the existential climate threat to the planet, and the world-wide spread of fascist movements, the old tools of bourgeois liberalism, social-democratic labor movements, and even the best of past communist thought, have been shown to be utterly inadequate to the challenges facing humanity. It is at this point that Bob Avakian has stepped forward to address what has to be done, but with a qualitatively transformed and more scientific, evidence-based method and approach. Avakian has given humanity the tools for its next great leap.”

    Now is the time to donate to revcom.us!

    The $2,000 match challenge from the staff of revcom.us has been met! Thanks to all who have donated so far.

    Warm revolutionary greetings to all.

    We who volunteer our time and resources as staff for this website put up $2K challenge that has been met! This is toward the fundraising goal of $20,000 by March 1.

    As this fund drive is being launched, we are watching the emergence of the courage of thousands, compelled to stand up in the face of real danger, focused in Minneapolis right now with the possibility to draw in many, many others, in response to fascist outrages most thought "couldn't happen here". We are watching as the anger, hopes, and dreams of the masses of people in Iran has once again burst onto the stage. Many people are beginning to see in stark relief the inhumanity and brutality of those in power, especially the fascist Trump regime, in contrast to the humanity and, as one woman in Minneapolis said, the love, empathy, and courage of those standing up to these things.

    At the same time, it stands out sharply how so few understand that the source of the nightmares humanity confronts, including the Trump fascist regime, is the system of capitalism-imperialism, and that this is profoundly UNnecessary. Revolution could bring into being a whole new way to live, a fundamentally different system. The fact that so few know of this is a problem to solve, quickly. People need the new communism that Bob Avakian has brought forward, and the leadership he's providing, in this rare time when revolution is more possible.

    Revcom.us is where people can get timely scientific analysis of the system that rules in this country and dominates the world... why this system can't be reformed but must be abolished through an actual revolution... what a radically new society will look like after a revolution... and how to actively work now for this revolution in the face of intensifying dangers and horrors. If you don't know deeply what this website is about, it's all here for the taking.

    So we, the revcom.us staff, challenge you: Donate toward the $20,000 goal to maintain and expand this website and its reach. Donate to support this crucial mission.

    Bob Avakian's Work on Fascism: 1996-2025

     

  • ARTICLE:

    Urgent Warning: People Need to Know About and Come Together to Defeat the Fascist Repression Ahead

    Cops push protesters at ICE detention center Broadview, Illinois, November 1, 2025.

     

    Protest at ICE detention center, Broadview, Illinois, November 1, 2025.    Photo: Paul Goyette

    We are in the midst of a major fascist leap in the suppression of protest and dissent—but most people don't even know about this. Revcom.us has been reporting on the extreme repressive moves which are otherwise getting very little attention—in the mainstream media or among anti-fascist writers. And this urgently has to change.

    This week, we are pulling together a number of these articles and encouraging readers to spread these widely. Grapple together about what is required to combat these fascist repressive moves as part of defeating Trump/MAGA fascism and as part of building up the forces for revolution to bring a radically different, and far better system into being. How do we sound the alarm throughout society? How do we raise standards among the decent people who oppose this fascism? How do we build a movement that has each other's backs?

    In a December 15 article on a memo from the fascist Department of Justice, we wrote:

    This memo almost certainly foreshadows a major leap in repression. This can neither be brushed off and treated as empty threats, nor can we allow ourselves and all the decent people opposed to this fascism to be preemptively scared into submission. Such moves—if people are mobilized to understand the threat they pose—could politically backfire on the fascists.

    But that only happens if consciousness is raised about the real danger of these moves and if standards are adopted in the movement against Trump that “an injury to one is an injury to all,” with individuals and organizations standing with anyone under attack.

    In addition to articles from revcom.us, we want to highlight a few other voices sounding the alarm from different perspectives:

    Pam Bondi’s Ominous New Memo: “Operationalizing” Trump’s All-Out Fascist Vision, revcom.us, December 15, 2025. 

    An overall analysis and dissection of the Justice Department memo issued by Attorney General Pam Bondi, its implications, and what to do in the face of it.

    ***

    Regime Launches “All-of-Government Effort to Dismantle” All Opposition to Fascism, revcom.us, October 20, 2025. 

    An overall analysis and dissection of two September executive orders from Trump—one designating “antifa” as a “Domestic Terror Organization,” the other calling for an all-out campaign against political dissent and opposition using the pretext of “domestic terrorism.” 

    ***

    “Don’t Talk”—A Fundamental Principle for Resisting Repression and Defending the Rights of the People, revcom.us, February 10, 2025. 

    Essential reading that prepares people to understand and deal with encounters with FBI and other “investigators” being unleashed by the Bondi memo.

    ***

    How Can The President Go After Citizens, Senator Elissa Slotkin, December 17, 2025.

    A short YouTube talk on how and why the Bondi Memorandum is another major step in repression.

    ***

    The Bondi Memo’s Quiet Rewriting of Domestic Terrorism Rules, by Thomas E. Brzozowski, Lawfaremedia.org, December 12, 2025.

    Brzozowski writes, "If you were not already on high alert, you should be now." Brzozowski is a former Counsel for Domestic Terrorism in the Counterterrorism Section of the U.S. Department of Justice. 

    ***

    U.S. Military Willing to Attack “Designated Terrorist Organizations” Within America, General Says, Nick Turse, The Intercept, December 16, 2025.

    Head of the U.S. Northern Command testifies in a Senate hearing that if he was ordered lawfully to deploy troops in cities against “designated terrorist organizations,” he would “execute the order.”

    ***

    FBI Making List of American “Extremists,” Leaked Memo Reveals, Ken Klippenstein, December 6, 2025.

    Klippenstein was the first to report on the Bondi memo. 

    ***

    Bob Avakian Official Revolution 135

     

    Read | listen to this message from Bob Avakian.   

  • ARTICLE:

    In the 1960s, the Government Spread Lies to Foment Violent Conflict Within the Movement

    The Lessons of That Time Need to Be Learned Anew Today

    Updated

    Did you know that from 1956 to 1971 the FBI conducted a program designed to foment conflict within revolutionary movements, as well as broader movements for reform—conflicts which not only crippled these movements, but served as a cover to carry out frame-ups and even outright murder of revolutionary fighters and activists?

    Did you know that they sent undercover people into these movements specifically to create or magnify conflicts? Did you know that they relied on unsubstantiated gossip and often inventions, as well as forged documents as part of their arsenal?

    Did you know that they took statements out of context to distort the real views of activists and revolutionary fighters and use these as pretexts for smear campaigns and attempted prosecutions?

    All this came to light in 1971, when some brave and heroic people appropriated the files revealing this program in a nighttime operation to go into an FBI office and bring these criminal activities by the government to light. As a result, many people in the movements of the time and even beyond, in broader society, adopted different standards for settling inevitable conflicts over politics and ideology in a principled way, and preventing the police, FBI and other government agencies from spreading slanders, fomenting conflicts and endangering the lives of people active in the struggle for justice.

    Muhammed Kenyatta waves stolen FBI documents, 1971.

     

    Muhammed Kenyatta waves stolen FBI documents, 1971.    Photo: AP

    Now, decades later, a new generation is way too unaware either of the FBI activities or the protocols widely adopted. We saw the results of this in 2022, with the vicious and very dangerous slander campaign that was launched against Rise Up 4 Abortion Rights, the revcoms, Bob Avakian and Sunsara Taylor. And now, in light of the heightened repression from Trump fascism and the low standards that exist among people broadly, we are reissuing this article.

    We urge people to read and spread the article below, and to insist on principled discussion and debate over disagreements and to oppose any dangerous campaigns of lies, disinformation and distortion.

    ~~~~~~~~~~~

    COINTELPRO was launched by the FBI in secret in 1956 in the context of the rising civil rights movement, and operations were later “signed on” to by the Kennedy administration. Its reach was broad and vicious. The FBI, working in sync with local police “Red Squads” (political police) wrote leaflets fomenting conflicts between different groups. They sent anonymous letters warning parents and school administrators of what their children and students were supposedly doing. They conducted police surveillance and repression against antiwar coffee houses opening near military bases. And those the FBI identified as leaders, in particular, were marked for “neutralization” by the FBI, a euphemism for being framed up on serious criminal charges or killed.

    One of the earliest, ugliest and most grievous FBI operations was against Malcolm X. We recently covered this, and we are including it here as a companion to this article.

    Going After Martin Luther King Through Personal Slander and Harassment

    One element in COINTELPRO attacks on the civil rights movement was the dissemination by the FBI of allegations about Martin Luther King’s sex life that had nothing to do with the struggle for civil rights, or debates within that movement or in society as a whole. The FBI bugged King’s bedroom(!) and then, directly or posing as “concerned individuals” sent supposed taped “evidence” to media outlets and others, including colleges where King was invited to speak, demanding he be disinvited. They even sent such a tape to his wife, Coretta Scott King, in the hope of causing anguish and breaking up the marriage.

    The FBI also circulated allegations that King’s movement had organizational and financial connections to communists, playing on anti-communist prejudices, to push (and provide an excuse for) white liberals and what the FBI identified as “the responsible Negro community” to stay away from the civil rights movement at a time when civil rights activists were being brutally attacked and murdered by police and the KKK, and as a cover for massive surveillance of the civil rights movement. Whether or not the authorities were directly involved in King’s murder in Memphis in 1968 as his family and close associates have insisted, the COINTELPRO operation created conditions that facilitated his assassination and was continued for a year after his death.

    WIKI-Mlk-suicide-letter-400.jpg

     

    Going After the Panthers: Fomenting Conflicts to Murder Leadership

    A major objective and focus of COINTELPRO was isolating and setting up the most revolutionary forces at the time, especially the Black Panther Party (BPP), for attack. FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, in a secret memo, wrote to offices calling for “imaginative and hard-hitting counterintelligence measures aimed at crippling the BPP.” (Emphasis added.)

    As they did with Malcolm X (see the accompanying article), the FBI often focused on setting up others to do the actual dirty work. To take one notorious example, the FBI forged a letter, supposedly from someone in the community, to Jeff Fort, the leader of the Blackstone Rangers, a Chicago gang at the time, claiming that the Black Panther Party was getting ready to move on him. In this case, in the climate of the times when there was both a broad culture of being alert to moves by the authorities to forge accusations to set people up, and when there was broad respect for the Panthers and the revolution, Fort decided the threatening letter was not credible. This letter was part of a larger COINTELPRO operation that set into motion events that led to the assassination of Panther leader Fred Hampton by Chicago police and the FBI in 1969.

    FredHamptonKilledHirez_AP691204082-400.jpg

     

    Chicago police with Fred Hampton's body.    Photo: AP

    In another COINTELPRO operation, the LA office of the FBI came up with a plan to forge a letter claiming the US Organization (United Slaves), which had been attacking the Panthers, believed that the BPP had a contract out to kill their leader. The LA FBI office wrote that the objective was for “this counterintelligence measure [to] result in an ‘US’ and BPP vendetta.” The operation was part of what led to the terrible murder of Black Panther leaders John Huggins and Alprentice “Bunchy” Carter by US members in Los Angeles.

    Black Panthers, Bunchy Carter and John Huggins

     

    Bunchy Carter and John Huggins, Black Panther leaders, murdered in 1969.   

    Again, there were real issues to resolve, questions to investigate, and debates to struggle out among those struggling for a different and better world in different ways, coming from different outlooks at the time, as now. The pattern and practice of COINTELPRO was to exploit these contradictions to twist them into vicious, destructive personal attacks, with an aim of disintegrating the movements for social change and an edge of isolating and setting up the most radical and revolutionary forces and leaders for what COINTELPRO documents euphemistically referred to as “neutralization.”

    Conclusion: don’t fall for—and don’t tolerate—the kinds of behavior that mimic what the FBI has used to destroy social movements. Call it out.

    FBI surveillance files on Bob Avakian.

     

    FBI surveillance files on Bob Avakian.   

    Identifying and Going After Bob Avakian Early On

    In his memoir, From Ike to Mao and Beyond, Bob Avakian (BA), who emerged as a revolutionary in the 1960s and today is leading the movement for revolution, talks about how he was a target for surveillance. At a demonstration, he was approached by the head of the Berkeley police “red squad” and told that he and the Revolutionary Union (the RU, which BA played a central role in founding) were under surveillance.

    BA has written about being in Chicago for the New Politics Convention and going back to his car and finding a guy who was “obviously from the Chicago red squad or the FBI” in a car behind his car “writing things down.” A Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) discovery revealed that the House of Representatives did a “whole report and investigation on the RU.” Another FOIA inquiry also showed that BA was under surveillance in Maywood, a suburb of Chicago, and that the FBI had made a diagram of the inside of his house, “indicating through which windows someone could see different things going on inside the house.” This was a similar type of diagram to that used by the FBI and the Chicago cops that enabled them to assassinate Fred Hampton, leader of the Chicago Black Panther Party.

    memoir-front.jpg

     

    Resources:

    The book The COINTELPRO Papers, by Ward Churchill and Jim Vander Wall contains a vast collection of original FBI memos and reports including documentation for the incidents described in this article. It is available as an online PDF.

    This article draws on installments of the American Crime series at revcoms.us: American Crime Case #41: COINTELPRO—The FBI Targets the New Left, 1964-1971 and American Crime Case #42: COINTELPRO—The FBI Targets the Black Freedom Struggle, 1956-1971.

    An important letter drawing lessons for today from the COINTELPRO operation against Malcolm X: A Reflection on Piggery—Then and Now.

  • ARTICLE:

    “Don’t Talk”—A Fundamental Principle for Resisting Repression and Defending the Rights of the People 

    Trump/MAGA fascism is being aggressively imposed on this society in many horrifying ways, instilling fear and a pull towards cooperation with government authorities. One of the ways people are being confronted with this is in situations where people are stopped as they go about their daily business at school, work, or shopping for food and necessities. Right now, that is a living reality for people who are being targeted as “illegal” immigrants, based on how they look or talk. But there are other situations that can be equally frightening: like when someone is arrested at or in connection with a political protest, or when someone is being questioned by police when they don’t have any idea what it is about. In all cases, people need to know what is the best way to respond to prevent these government agencies from doing great harm

    In the popular culture in movies and TV shows, to the ever-present law-and-order shows of one kind or another, and even the news, all trumpet the same theme: if the police want to talk to you, you are already assumed to be guilty—of something. To exercise one's legal rights is viewed as further evidence of guilt; even the most basic right—getting a lawyer to defend oneself from the legal and illegal onslaught of cops, prosecutors and judges—is depicted with a sneer as "lawyering up," as though this shows you must be guilty or have something to hide. 

    Miranda Rights, four points.

     

    Sometimes you hear the police reading what’s called the Miranda warning (see box) to a person they are intending to interrogate, stating that you have the right to remain silent and the right to a lawyer. But then everything proceeds as though the person being questioned is showing their guilt by refusing to answer questions and getting a lawyer to represent them.

    But in real-life situations, the best advice lawyers give anyone who is being arrested, questioned or contacted in any way by the police is: DON’T TALK. 

    It is important for people to know what rights they DO have when agents of repression come sniffing around. And it is especially important to insist on those rights even as they are increasingly coming under attack. 

    Bob Avakian has spoken to this point in his social media message @BobAvakianOfficial REVOLUTION #106:

    As we revcoms (revolutionary communists) have made clear in the Declaration WE NEED AND WE DEMAND: A WHOLE NEW WAY TO LIVE, A FUNDAMENTALLY DIFFERENT SYSTEM: “So long as we are still living under the rule of this system of capitalism-imperialism, we will defend people against attacks on their lives and on the rights that are supposed to be guaranteed under the U.S. Constitution.”

    So, what rights based on the U.S. Constitution are supposed to apply whether during an arrest or in any contact with police or government agencies? How should people defend their rights individually and collectively, and what kind of culture is needed to resist the government forces of repression?

    The Right to Remain Silent—Don't Talk

    When facing agents of government repression (here we are talking about the local police and prosecutors, state or federal law enforcement or various government agencies), the principle of "Don't Talk" is an important legal principle overall, and it is crucial in fighting to protect the various movements of resistance and of revolution from government repression. This principle is stressed very strongly by criminal defense lawyers and civil rights organizations—you have a RIGHT to remain silent.

    Many legal rights organizations, such as the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and National Lawyers Guild (NLG), have published materials to inform people of their rights. The most important thing they all advise is to assert your right to NOT answer questions. 

    For example, the following is from a brochure published by the ACLU of Southern California

    WHAT TO DO IF YOU’RE STOPPED BY POLICE, IMMIGRATION AGENTS OR THE FBI:
    YOUR RIGHTS 

    • You have the right to remain silent. If you wish to exercise that right, say so out loud.
    • You have the right to refuse to consent to a search of yourself, your car or your home.
    • If you are not under arrest, you have the right to calmly leave.
    • You have the right to a lawyer if you are arrested. Ask for one immediately.
    • Regardless of your immigration or citizenship status, you have constitutional rights.

    And the National Lawyers Guild advises what to do if an FBI agent or police officer knocks at the door:

    Do not open the door. State that you are going to remain silent. Do not answer any questions, or even give your name. Anything you say, no matter how seemingly harmless or insignificant, can be used against you or others. Ask the agents to slide their business cards under the door and tell them that your lawyer will contact them. If the agent or officer gives a reason for contacting you, take notes and give the information to your lawyer.12 

    What Harm Can Talking Do?

    There are many myths and lies promoted in the dominant culture and by the police themselves which leave people confused and feeling they have no choice but to cooperate. This is absolutely wrong and dangerous to any movements of resistance from among the people. 

    Myth #1—Cooperating will make the authorities go away.

    In fact, it often does just the opposite. After all, if they size someone up as a "talker" or weak link, they'll milk this person for all the information they can get. They may return with more questions or continue this line of questioning with others.

    Myth #2—Talking will prevent being arrested.

    The authorities promote the illusion that a person should try to "save their own hide" by cooperating and talking. In reality, as the ACLU and NLG underscore, in many circumstances talking may increase the chances of a person being busted, and may be sealing the case against himself/herself as well as others.

    Myth #3—As long as the information provided is harmless, there's nothing wrong with talking.

    When people don't know their rights and talk freely to the authorities, this can do great harm—no matter what information they provide.

    First of all, because the person doesn't know the full agenda of the authorities, he/she has no basis to evaluate whether or not information is "harmless." Even if the authorities claim to be investigating something that has nothing to do with your politics or political activities (or those of others), appearances can be deceiving. The authorities can and will twist any information to their advantage.

    Secondly, the act of talking encourages the authorities to pursue this tactic and go after others.

    Finally, and most importantly, talking fuels the government's efforts to eliminate any movements of opposition and dissent, while standing firm and not talking as a matter of principle contributes to building a culture of resistance and defiance.

    Myth #4—If I don't cooperate, won't it look like I have something to hide?

    According to the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR),

    This is one of the most frequently asked questions. The answer involves the nature of political "intelligence" investigations and the job of the FBI. Agents will try to make you feel that it will "look bad" if you don't cooperate with them. Many people not familiar with how the FBI operates worry about being uncooperative…. (T)hey [the FBI] are intent on learning about the habits, opinions, and affiliations of people not suspected of wrongdoing....

    They will do anything to get a person to talk: from good cop/bad cop approaches (aimed at getting the person to "open up" to the more sympathetic cop) to threats and outright brutality. They also use "mind games" such as saying that others have already informed on a person; or even going so far as falsely telling someone a family member has died in order to get the person to let down his/her guard and reveal information about themselves or others.

    Any information that a person provides—no matter how seemingly insignificant—can be twisted and used against that person themselves, or against people and organizations who expose and oppose the crimes of this system. The government has a long history of lying about the facts and fabricating "evidence" in order to frame movement activists and revolutionaries. They take intelligence gathered from a variety of sources and use it in the most sinister ways, even including murder. Consequently, there is no reason to be in the least defensive about not talking to or cooperating with authorities.

    If a person thinks that he/she can just "bullshit" an agent, this too is a trap. The investigators are trained to be "friendly" and listen to people's stories. To quote a textbook on interrogation techniques, "Letting the subject tell a few lies, and letting him apparently get away with them, is an excellent technique, and works well with many types of subjects. We have seen that lying on the part of the subject works to the advantage of the interrogator...." The NLG has pointed out:

    Keep in mind that although they are allowed to lie to you, lying to a government agent is a crime. Remaining silent is not. The safest things to say are "I am going to remain silent," "I want to speak to my lawyer," and " do not consent to a search." [emphasis added]13

    Conclusion

    As spoken to throughout this article, as part of trying to beat down movements of resistance and of revolution, agents of the government (police, FBI, prosecutors, etc.) have developed methods to trick, intimidate and brutalize people into giving up legal rights and protections established by the legal system in this country. This basic dynamic and truth needs to be clearly understood, and if various organizations and movements are serious about the challenges they face, they need to grapple with how—mainly by relying on mass movements of the people—to resist such repression.

    History has shown that when the decent people refuse to concede the moral authority on what is right and what is wrong, they are better able to withstand repression and continue to develop resistance. If they do not take this approach, they find themselves in a situation where: That which you do not resist and mobilize to stop, you will learn—or be forced—to accept. Part of building a culture of defiance and resistance among people standing up against fascism and the crimes of this system is refusing to allow the government to either intimidate or bamboozle people into giving up resistance, and refusing in any way to enter into complicity with such intimidation and repression.

    In this context, the legal principles underlying "Don't Talk" take on heightened importance. Those confronted by police agents should not be bamboozled into giving up the legal rights they do have, as this will only lead to strengthening the repressive apparatus of the state, and help to undercut the ability to struggle against the crimes of this system and to build a movement for revolution to overthrow this system and bring about a fundamentally different and much better system. 

    Immigrant Legal Resource Center red cards

     

    Red Cards

    Red cards are being distributed by the thousands in immigrant communities throughout the country, advising people of their rights. This is the text of the “red cards.” 

    I do not wish to speak with you, answer your questions, or sign or hand you any documents based on my 5th Amendment rights under the United States Constitution. I do not give you permission to enter my home based on my 4th Amendment rights under the United States Constitution unless you have a warrant to enter, signed by a judge or magistrate with my name on it that you slide under the door. I do not give you permission to search any of my belongings based on my 4th Amendment rights. I choose to exercise my constitutional rights. These cards are available to citizens and noncitizens alike.

    • DO NOT OPEN THE DOOR if an immigration agent is knocking on the door.
    • DO NOT ANSWER ANY QUESTIONS from an immigration agent if they try to talk to you. You have the right to remain silent.
    • DO NOT SIGN ANYTHING without first speaking to a lawyer. You have the right to speak with a lawyer.
    • If you are outside of your home, ask the agent if you are free to leave and if they say yes, leave calmly.
    • GIVE THIS CARD TO THE AGENT. If you are inside of your home, show the card through the window or slide it under the door.

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. Operation Backfire: A Survival Guide for Environmental and Animal Rights Activists, National Lawyers Guild, 2009 [back]

    2. “Know Your Rights! What to Do if Questioned by Police, FBI, Customs Agents or Immigration Officers,” by National Lawyers Guild, S.F. Bay Area Chapter, ACLU of Northern California and the American Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC-SF), 2004  [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    U.S. CONSTITUTION: AN EXPLOITERS’ VISION OF FREEDOM—ADDED NOTES (AND BRIEF INTRODUCTION)

    Brief Introduction:

    The following article by Bob Avakian was originally published in 1987. We are republishing it now, because it remains highly relevant in terms of understanding the basic nature of this system we live under—the system of capitalism-imperialism—and the role of the U.S. Constitution as the legal and political basis for this system of ruthless exploitation, murderous oppression and massive destruction. In this republished version, Bob Avakian has provided some Added Notes at the end of the article, to further clarify important points.

    * * * * *

    James Madison, who was the main author of the Constitution of the United States, was also an upholder of slavery and the interests of the slaveowners in the United States. Madison, the fourth president of the United States, not only wrote strongly in defense of the Constitution, he also strongly defended the part of the Constitution that declared the slaves to be only three-fifths human beings (that provided for the slaves to be counted this way for the purposes of deciding on representation and taxation of the states—Article I, Section 2, 3 of the Constitution).

    In writing this defense, Madison praised "the compromising expedient of the Constitution" which treats the slaves as "inhabitants, but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants; which regards the slave as divested of two-fifths of the man." Madison explained: "The true state of the case is that they partake of both these qualities: being considered by our laws, in some respects, as persons, and in other respects as property.... This is in fact their true character. It is the character bestowed on them by the laws under which they live; and it will not be denied that these are the proper criterion." Madison got to the heart of the matter, the essence of what the U.S. Constitution is all about, when in the course of upholding the decision to treat slaves as three-fifths human beings he agrees with the following principle: "Government is instituted no less for protection of the property than of the persons of individuals."1 Property rights—that is the basis on which outright slavery as well as other forms of exploitation, discrimination, and oppression have been consistently upheld. And over the 200 years that this Constitution has been in force, down to today, despite the formal rights of persons it proclaims, and even though the Constitution has been amended to outlaw slavery where one person actually owns another as property, the U.S. Constitution has always remained a document that upholds and gives legal authority to a system in which the masses of people, or their ability to work, have been used as wealth-creating property for the profit of the few.

    The abolition of slavery through the Civil War meant the elimination of one form of exploitation and the further development and extension of other forms of exploitation. As I wrote in Democracy: Can't We Do Better Than That?, "despite the efforts of abolitionists and the resistance and revolts of the slaves themselves—and their heroic fighting in the Civil War itself—it was not fought by the Union government in the North, and its president, Lincoln, for the purpose of abolishing the atrocity of slavery in some moral sense.... The Civil War arose out of the conflict between two modes of production, the slave system in the South and the capitalist system centered in the North; this erupted into open antagonism, warfare, when it was no longer possible for these two modes of production to co-exist within the same country."2 The victory of the North over the South in the U.S. Civil War represented the victory of the capitalist system over the slave system. It represented the triumph of the capitalist form of using people as a means of creating wealth. Under a system of outright slavery, the slave is literally the property of the slaveowner. Under capitalism, slavery becomes wage-slavery: The exploited class of workers is not owned by the exploiting class of capitalists (the owners of factories, land, etc.), but the workers are in a position where they must sell their ability to work to a capitalist in order to earn a wage. Capitalism needs a mass of workers that is "free," in a two-fold sense: They must be "free" of all means to live (all means of production), except their ability to work; and they must not be bound to a particular owner, a particular site, a particular guild, etc.—they must be "free" to do whatever work is demanded of them, they must be "free" to move from place to place, and "free" to be hired and fired according to the needs of capital! If they cannot enrich a capitalist through working, then the workers cannot work, they cannot earn a wage. But even if they cannot find a capitalist to exploit their labor, even if they are unemployed, they still remain under the domination of the capitalist class and of the process of capitalist accumulation of wealth—the proletarians (the workers) are dependent on the capitalist class and the capitalist system for their very lives, so long as the capitalist system rules. It is this rule, this system of exploitation, that the U.S. Constitution has upheld and enforced, all the more so after outright slavery was abolished through the Civil War.

    But here is another very important fact: In the concrete conditions of the U.S. coming out of the Civil War, and for some time afterward, wage-slavery was not the only major form of exploitation in force in the U.S. Up until very recently (until the 1950s), millions of Black people were exploited like serfs on Southern plantations, working as sharecroppers and tenant farmers to enrich big landowners (and bankers and other capitalists). A whole system of laws—commonly known as Jim Crow laws—were enforced to maintain this relationship of exploitation and oppression: Black people throughout the South—and really throughout the whole country—were subjected to the open discrimination, brutality, and terror that such laws allowed and encouraged. All this, too, was upheld and enforced by the Constitution and its interpretation and application by the highest political and legal authorities in the U.S. And, over the past several decades, when the great majority of Black people have been uprooted from the land in the South and have moved into the cities of the North (and South), they have still been discriminated against, forcibly segregated, and continually subjected to brutality and terror even while some formal civil rights have been extended to them.

    Once again, this is in accordance with the interests of the ruling capitalist class and capitalist system. It is consistent with the principle enunciated by James Madison: Governments must protect the property no less than the persons of individuals. In fact, what Madison obviously meant—and what the reality of the U.S. has clearly been—is that the government must protect the property of white people, especially the wealthy white people, more than the rights of Black people. It must never be forgotten that for most of their history in what is now the United States of America Black people were the property of white people, particularly wealthy plantation owners. Even after this outright slavery was abolished, Black people have never been allowed to achieve equality with whites: they have been held down, maintained as an oppressed nation, and denied the right of self-determination. Capitalism cannot exist without the oppression of nations, and this is all the more so when capitalism develops into its highest stage: monopoly capitalism-imperialism. If the history of the United States has demonstrated anything, it has demonstrated this.

    The Heritage They Won’t Renounce

    The ruling class of the U.S. today—above all the U.S. imperialists, the large-scale capitalists and international exploiters who dominate the U.S. and most of the world—are indeed, as they proclaim, the direct and worthy descendants of their “Founding Fathers.” And this is why the ruling class and its political representatives, while they feel obliged to say that they are opposed to slavery today (at least in the U.S. itself), solemnly praise and celebrate slave owners and upholders of slavery who were so prominent among the “Founding Fathers” and played so central a part in the establishment of the system in the U.S.: men like George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison.

    These imperialists will never admit that their “Founding Fathers” established a system of government that, in its very foundation, is based on oppression and exploitation. They will never admit that their Constitution is the legal instrument for enforcing that exploitation and oppression. They cannot admit this, any more than they can admit their much-vaunted wealth and power has been established and built up by stealing land and resources from the native peoples (and Mexico) through extortion and outright murderous means; by trading in human flesh and harnessing human beings in slave labor; by pitilessly exploiting immigrants in their millions as wage-slaves; by robbing and plundering throughout the world, particularly Latin America, Africa, and Asia (what today is generally called the Third World). They cannot acknowledge that, while the forms of slavery have changed, the U.S. has, from the beginning and down to today, remained a society where enslavement, in one form or another, has been at the very heart of the economic system and the very basis of the political structure.

    There are many (including even Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall) who argue that, because of the upholding of slavery in the Constitution—and other injustices, such as excluding women from voting, and the treatment of the Indians—the Constitution was not such a great document when it was written, but it has been made great through the history of the U.S. and the struggles to create a more perfect Union and a more perfect Constitution. In other words, the Constitution may have had defects in some important ways when it was originally conceived, but the miracle of it is that the Constitution has within it provisions for changing and improving it—for extending democracy and rights to those previously excluded. And, some will add, while the Constitution upholds property rights, it also upholds individual and civil rights (even the statement from Madison cited at the beginning of this article stresses that, some might argue). Let’s look more deeply at these questions.

    Extension of the Constitution … Extension of Bourgeois Domination

    The extension of constitutional rights and protections to those previously excluded from them has gone together, in an overall way, with the extension of bourgeois (capitalist) relations and their dominance throughout the U.S. And, at the same time, it has gone hand-in-hand with the continuation of the oppression of Black people, of Native Americans, of Latinos and immigrants from Latin America (and elsewhere), of the oppression of women, and other forms of oppression and exploitation. All this is not in contradiction to but is consistent with the fundamental principles on which the Constitution is based and the way in which it treats the relationship between the rights of property and the rights of individuals.*

    It is noteworthy that the 14th Amendment to the Constitution (echoing the 5th Amendment) has as its pivotal point the provision that no State may “deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the law.” Especially in the period since World War 2, this amendment has been used as a major part of the basis to extend civil rights for Black people, for women, and for others discriminated against. Yet this amendment was passed right after the Civil War, in 1866; and for many decades this amendment was not used to combat racial or sexual discrimination. Instead, “For many years the Supreme Court applied the due-process clause mainly to protect business interests against state regulatory legislation.”3 It was only beginning after World War 1, and more fully after World War 2, that the 14th Amendment was applied in a significant way to the questions of racial and sexual discrimination. Thus, “in a long series of cases” beginning in 1925, the Supreme Court “gradually expanded its definition of due process so as to include most of the guarantees of personal liberties in the Federal Bill of Rights and has protected them from state impairment. A similar development occurred with respect to the equal-protection clause.”4 These changes in Supreme Court decisions were part of larger changes in ruling-class policy. But these resulted not from some brilliant new legal insight, nor from some sudden flash of moral awakening within the ruling class. Rather, they resulted from the changed situation of Black people in U.S. society and, more decisively, from the situation and needs of the ruling imperialists.

    As noted earlier, the masses of Black people have undergone a dramatic change in their particular conditions of existence—and of oppression—in the U.S. This began during and immediately after World War 1 but developed fully during and after World War 2. Demand for labor in war production and other strategic industry, followed after World War 2 by sweeping changes in Southern agriculture—called forth by technological changes and international economic competition—drove millions and millions of Black people from the rural South to the urban ghettos of the North and South, and into the most exploited sections of the proletariat. At the same time, the U.S. imperialists emerged not only victorious but greatly strengthened from world war that devastated those countries which were much more directly and centrally involved. So, after World War 2 U.S. imperialism was everywhere, scooping up the former colonial possessions of the prior colonial powers and establishing U.S. neocolonial domination in the name of freedom and (usually) in the guise of allowing formal independence. In this situation, it was not so necessary—nor was it so helpful—to openly and blatantly treat Black people as “second-class citizens” in the U.S. itself. So, over the period of the next several decades, concessions were made to civil rights demands and struggles at the same time as deception, vicious repression, and the promotion of “loyal and responsible Negro leaders” were carried out to keep things firmly under the control of the ruling class and in the service of its larger interests. Similarly, recent decades have seen political and legal changes that have brought certain extensions of formal rights to women and certain concessions to their battle against oppression. These have corresponded to significant changes in society and the world, including the fact that in only a small percentage of U.S. families is it any longer the case that the family is supported by just the man working. But, again, these concessions have been confined within limits that fundamentally conform to the interests and needs of the ruling class in the face of changing conditions in the U.S. and the world.

    Would anyone dare say that, because of these changes and concessions, inequality and injustice have been eliminated in the U.S.? The fact is, none of this has in any way eliminated, or come close to eliminating, discrimination against Black people, their overall conditions of oppression, their status as an oppressed nation. Nor have the ruling imperialists ceased to oppress the Native Americans—they have never even stopped trying to cheat and rob them of valuable land and resources. Nor have these imperialists ceased to discriminate against and viciously exploit other national minorities and immigrants. Nor, despite the constitutional amendment (the 19th, in 1919) giving them the right to vote and other concessions to “women’s rights,” have women been granted equality—there has been no end to the subjugation and degradation they have been subjected to: The oppression of women remains a foundation stone of U.S. society, as indeed it must so long as a system of class domination and exploitation is in force. Today, 200 years after the U.S. Constitution first took effect, and after all the changes and amendments, no one can seriously and reasonably argue that the various kinds of oppression that I have spoken to here do not exist or are only a minor aspect of the situation. No one can seriously and reasonably argue that they are not a basic and deeply rooted feature of American society.

    The reason for this is rooted in the very reality and nature of the economic system in the U.S. and the political system that upholds and enforces this economic system, including the Constitution as the legal “cement” of the political structure. The fundamental reason why the “extension” of constitutional rights to those previously excluded from them has not put an end to exploitation, inequality, and oppression is this: The essence of the capitalist economic system is not the competition of commodity owners, all vying equally in the marketplace (equal opportunity for all). The essence is the exploitation of labor as wage-labor, the command by capital over labor power (the ability to do work) as a commodity—a unique commodity—that creates wealth through its use.** (As a dockworker told me years ago: No one gets rich working; the only way to get rich is by making other people work for you.) And the essence of the political structure that goes along with and protects this capitalist economic system is not freedom and democracy for all, regardless of wealth and social position. The essence is the dictatorship of the bourgeois class—its monopoly of political power and armed force—over those it dominates in the economic system, especially the proletariat. Thus, the right to vote and other formal rights for the proletariat and other oppressed masses are in no way in fundamental opposition to the economic and political system of capitalism and bourgeois dictatorship.

    Bourgeois Democracy—Bourgeois Dictatorship

    Bourgeois democracy presents itself as classless democracy: It proclaims equality for all. Thus, the U.S. Constitution does not say that different classes of people shall have unequal wealth and power; rather, it sets forth a charter that appears to treat everyone the same, regardless of wealth and social status. Yet there never has been, and never could be, a capitalist society without tremendous differences in wealth and power, without fundamental class divisions and antagonisms. In fact, a capitalist society without these things is not even conceivable. And in reality, democracy in capitalist society can only be bourgeois democracy. This means there is democracy—equal political rights and the power to make fundamental decisions—only among the capitalist class, the ruling class. For the rest, and for the proletariat especially, bourgeois democracy means dictatorship: It means being ruled over by the capitalists, even while being allowed to vote and even while being governed by a Constitution that sets forth laws that are said to be applied, equally, to all. How can this be?

    First, as for voting, as I pointed out in Democracy: Can’t We Do Better Than That?:

    On the most obvious level, to be a serious candidate for any major office in a country like the U.S. requires millions of dollars—a personal fortune or, more often, the backing of people with that kind of money. Beyond that, to become known and be taken seriously depends on favorable exposure in the mass media (favorable at least in the sense that you are presented as within the framework of responsible—that is, acceptable politics)…. By the time “the people express their will through voting,” both the candidates they have to choose among and the “issues” that deserve “serious consideration” have been selected out by someone else: the ruling class….

    Further, and even more fundamentally, to “get anywhere” once elected—both to advance one’s own career and to “get anything done”—it is necessary to fit into the established mold and work within the established structures.5

    But that is not all:

    If, however, the electoral process in bourgeois society does not represent the exercise of sovereignty by the people, it generally does play an important role in maintaining the sovereignty—the dictatorship—of the bourgeoisie and the continuation of capitalist society. This very electoral process itself tends to cover over the basic class relations—and class antagonisms—in society, and serves to give formal, institutionalized expression to the political participation of atomized individuals in the perpetuation of the status quo. This process not only reduces people to isolated individuals but at the same time reduces them to a passive position politically and defines the essence of politics as such atomized passivity—as each person, individually, in isolation from everyone else, giving his/her approval to this or to that option, all of which options have been formulated and presented by an active power standing above these atomized masses of “citizens.”… [T]he very acceptance of the electoral process as the quintessential political act reinforces acceptance of the established order and works against any radical rupture with, to say nothing of the actual overturning of, that order.6

    And let us remember that one of the main reasons for which the U.S. Constitution was “ordained and established,” as proclaimed in its “Preamble,” was to prevent social upheaval and the overturning of the order upheld by that Constitution—to “insure domestic tranquility.”

    The same can be said of the other aspects of bourgeois democracy and the kind of rights set forth in the U.S. Constitution (including its “Bill of Rights”): They have the purpose and function of reinforcing the rule of the bourgeoisie and keeping political activity within limits acceptable to the bourgeoisie. Thus, “the much-vaunted freedom of expression in the ‘democratic countries’ is not in opposition to but is encompassed by and confined within the actual exercise of dictatorship by the bourgeoisie. This is for two basic reasons—because the ruling class has a monopoly on the means of molding public opinion and because its monopoly of armed force puts it in a position to suppress, as violently as necessary, any expression of ideas, as well as any action, that poses a serious challenge to the established order.”7 The history of the U.S., like the history of all other “democratic” bourgeois dictatorships, is full of graphic illustrations of just how true the above-quoted statement is!

    Formal equality—the treatment of all persons as equal, and specifically as “equal before the law,” without regard to wealth or social position—in bourgeois society actually covers over the relationship of complete subordination, exploitation, and oppression to which the proletariat and masses of people are subjected. If a small group—the capitalist class—controls the important means of creating wealth, then in reality they have the power of life and death over those who control little or none of these. To have such power over other people is, in essence, to hold them in an enslaved condition, whether or not the chains are literal and visible. In such a situation—which is the fundamental condition of capitalist society—how can there be anything but profound inequality economically, socially, and politically? And with such a fundamental division, with such fundamental inequality, there can never be anything but exploitation, oppression, domination, and dictatorship.

    With regard to the law, this will manifest itself in two main ways. First, those who dominate society economically will dominate in deciding, through the political structure, what the laws will be. They will insure that the laws serve their interests. And second, the actual application and enforcement of the law will discriminate in favor of those with wealth and power and against those without them—and even more so against oppressed nationalities, women, and others who are “the last of the last” in society. Everyday life in any capitalist society proves this over and over. Thus, once again, as with the right to vote and other constitutional rights in a bourgeois-democratic republic, formal equality before the law expresses itself, in reality, as profound inequality—and more—as something confined within and conforming to bourgeois domination and dictatorship.

    The basic difference between the bourgeoisie’s view of freedom and democracy on the one hand, and the striving of oppressed masses for an end to oppressive conditions on the other hand, is sharply drawn in recent events in Haiti, the Philippines, and South Korea. The oppressed masses (and students and other revolutionary intellectuals) want some kind of fundamental change in the social system and a breaking of the chains of imperialist domination in their countries. But the bourgeois opposition leaders and parties want only the recognition of bourgeois-democratic provisions and procedures—with elections the highest expression of political activity. Most of all, they want the sharing of power more broadly and “equally” among the upper classes—really, they want their chance to hold the reins of power—while leaving the social system and imperialist domination intact. As for the imperialists, where they become convinced of the need for change in such situations, they make every effort to keep it confined within the framework of imperialist domination and bourgeois rule. Indeed, they try to use such situations to strengthen and perhaps “refine” the apparatus of bourgeois politics—and, above all, of repression—in the countries involved.

    This brings us to a most fundamental point that is so often ignored or glossed over in discussions and debates about democracy in countries like the U.S.: The fact is that even the extent to which rights are allowed to the nonruling classes in imperialist countries depends on a situation where, in large parts of the world under imperialist domination, the masses of people are subjected to much more open and murderous repression. In short,

    The platform of democracy in the imperialist countries (worm-eaten as it is) rests on fascist terror in the oppressed nations: the real guarantors of bourgeois democracy in the U.S. are not the constitutional scholar and the Supreme Court justice, but the Brazilian torturer, the South African cop, and the Israeli pilot; the true defenders of the democratic tradition are not on the portraits in the halls of the Western capitols, but are Marcos, Mobutu, and the dozens of generals from Turkey to Taiwan, from South Korea to South America, all put and maintained in power and backed up by the military force of the U.S. and its imperialist partners.8,***

    But, at the same time, the imperialist rulers and ardent worshippers of bourgeois democracy go to great lengths to try to cover over, or explain away, the brutal repression “at home” that is so essential to the functioning of the system and the maintenance of the established order:

    For there is vicious repression and state terror carried out continually—and not only in times of serious crisis or social upheaval—in the imperialist countries; it is carried out specifically against those who do not support but oppose the established order, or who simply cannot be counted on to be pacified by the normal workings of the imperialist system—those whose conditions are desperate and whose life situation is explosive anyway.

    In the U.S. the hundreds of police shootings of oppressed people, particularly Blacks and other minority nationalities, every year; the fact that jails are overwhelmingly filled with poor people, the greatest number again being Black and other minority nationalities—it is an amazing but true statistic that one out of every thirteen Black people in the U.S. will be arrested each year (and Blacks are incarcerated eight and one-half times as frequently as whites)!—and the widespread use of drugs, surgical techniques, and other means to repress and terrorize prisoners (as well as an astounding number of people not in jail, including allegedly recalcitrant children); the use of welfare and other so-called social service agencies to harass and control poor people down to the most intimate details of their personal lives; this, and much more, is part of the daily life experience of millions of people in the major imperialist countries. Along with all this, of course, is the use of the state apparatus for direct political repression….

    In times of severe crisis and social strain, of course, all this is carried out more intensively and extensively…. Already, right now in the U.S., to cite one important aspect of this, hundreds of thousands of immigrants, “illegal” and “legal,” are being subjected to a campaign of terror—including raids at their places of work and homes, the sudden and forcible separation of parents from children, and the deportation of large numbers of refugees back to the waiting arms of death squads and other government assassins in countries like El Salvador. The same kind of thing is also being directed against immigrants in France, West Germany, England, and other imperialist democracies.

    Through all this, while overt political repression by the state is in one sense the clearest indication of the class content of democracy—in the imperialist countries as well as elsewhere—in another sense the daily, and often seemingly arbitrary, terror carried out against the lower strata in these imperialist countries concentrates the connection between the normal workings of the system and the political (that is, class) nature of the state.9

    A New and Far Greater Vision of Freedom

    In the course of this article so far, in speaking to some essential questions concerning the U.S. Constitution and the system it upholds, I have answered some of the main arguments made in defense of this Constitution and this system, including the argument that the Constitution, if not perfect, is perfectible—that it can be continually improved and the rights it establishes can be extended to those previously excluded. Before concluding, I want to briefly address some of the other main arguments made on behalf of—or in defense of—this Constitution and the principles and vision it embodies.

    “This Constitution establishes a law of the land that is applicable to all—it establishes a government of laws, not of people.” This is closely linked to the principle of “equality before the law.” What is meant by “a government of laws, not of people” is that no one is “above the law” and that what is allowed and what is forbidden are set forth before all, in one set of regulations binding on everyone, and this can be changed only through the procedures established for making such changes. A “government of people” refers to a notion of a government where it is the will and the word of certain people—a king, a despot, a small group of tyrants, etc.—that determine what is allowed and what is forbidden, and where this can and will change according to the dictates and the whims of such rulers: There is no common and clearly spelled-out standard binding on all, even on the political leaders and the powerful and influential in society.

    Like all principles of bourgeois democracy, this notion of “a government of laws, not of people” misses and obscures the essential question. First of all,

    “the rule of law” can be part of a dictatorship, of one kind or another, and in the most general sense it always is—even where it may appear that power is exercised without or above the law, laws (in the sense of a systematized code that people in society are obliged to conform to, whether written or unwritten) will still exist and play a part in enforcing the rule of the dominant class. Conversely, all states, all dictatorships, include laws in one form or another.10

    Most fundamentally, the question is: What is the character and the class content of the laws, what system do they uphold and enforce, which class interests do they represent—of which class dictatorship, bourgeois or proletarian, are they the expression and instrument—and toward what end are they contributing—the maintenance of class division and domination, exploitation and oppression, or the final elimination of class divisions, of all oppressive social divisions, and of social antagonisms? In short, the essential question is not “a government of laws vs. a government of people,” it is which people—which class—rules, and what laws are in force, in the service of what ends?

    “‘We The People,’ that is the heart of this Constitution and the genius of this Constitution: It establishes a government of, by and for all the people.” As a matter of historical fact, this opening phrase of the Constitution, “We the people of the United States,” was not the product of some lofty desire by the “framers” of the Constitution to set forth some universal principle of popular sovereignty. It was the product of their desire to overcome the problem of States posing their own sovereignty against that of the Federal Government—and the desire to avoid the specific problem of not knowing which States would ratify the Constitution: “The Preamble of the Articles of Confederation had named all the states in order from north to south. How was the [Constitutional] Convention to enumerate the participating states without knowing which would ratify? In a brilliant flash of inspiration, the Convention began with the words, ‘We the People of the United States…do ordain and establish this Constitution….’”11

    More importantly, the larger historical context and the actual content of this proclamation—“We The People”—must be made clear. The founding of the United States of America as an independent country represented not just the breaking away from domination by a foreign power. It also meant breaking away from a form of government that vested great power in the person of the monarchy—even while it ultimately served the interests of the bourgeoisie and the landed “nobility.” In general, the rights and the restrictions of power established in the Constitution of the newly founded United States revolved around preventing arbitrary rule by despots and the concentration of too much power in one person or one part of the government. The “separation of powers” and the “checks and balances” of different branches of government was seen as a way of insuring that the government would serve the interests of the capitalist class and (at that time) the slaveowners as a whole. It is in this light that “We the people of the United States,” in the “Preamble” of the Constitution, must be understood. Obviously, “We the people of the United States” did not include all those who were expressly excluded from the process of selecting the government and endorsing the Constitution. For, “Even on the most obvious level, how could the government of the newly formed United States, for example, be considered to have derived its powers ‘from the consent of the governed’ when, at the time of the formation of the United States of America, a majority of the people ‘governed’—included slaves, Indians, women, men who did not meet various property requirements, and others—did not even have the right to vote…to say nothing of the real power to govern and determine the direction of society?”12

    Bourgeois ruling classes generally speak in the name of the people, all the people. From their standpoint, it may make a certain amount of sense: They do, after all, rule over the masses of people. But from a more basic and more objective standpoint, their claim to represent all the people is a deception. If it was a deception at the time of the founding of the United States and the adoption of its Constitution, it is all the more so now. For now the rule of the capitalists is in fundamental antagonism with the interests of the great majority of people, not just in a particular country, but all over the world. Now the decisive question is not overcoming economic and political obstacles to the development of capitalism and its corresponding political system. The time when that was on the historical agenda is long since passed. What is now on the historical agenda is the overthrow of capitalism and the final elimination of all systems of exploitation, all oppressive social relations, all class distinctions, through the revolution of the exploited class under capitalism, the proletariat.

    To get a very stark sense of just how historically conditioned—how long since outmoded and completely reactionary—are the interests and the paramount concerns of the "Founding Fathers" and their descendants, the ruling imperialists of today, let us consider the fact that, in writing their Constitution, Madison and others "For theoretical inspiration...leaned heavily on Locke and on Montesquieu's Spirit of the Laws. Both writers had insisted on the need for separation of powers in order to prevent tyranny; in Montesquieu's view even the representatives of the people in the legislature could not be trusted with unlimited power."13 In reading over Montesquieu's Spirit of the Laws I could not help but be struck by how thoroughly his frame of reference is that of a bygone age and his outlook that of exploiting classes whose period of historical ascendancy is long since past. As a glaring illustration, consider the following:

    If I had to justify our right to enslave Negroes, this is what I would say: Since the peoples of Europe have exterminated those of America, they have had to enslave those of Africa in order to use them to clear and cultivate such a vast expanse of land.

    Sugar would be too expensive if it weren't harvested by slaves.

    Those in question are black from the tip of their toes to the top of their heads; and their noses so flattened that it is almost impossible to feel sorry for them.

    It is inconceivable that God, who is a very wise being, could have placed a soul, especially a good soul, in an all-black body....

    One proof of the fact that Negroes don't have any common sense is that they get more excited about a string of glass beads than about gold, which, in civilized countries, is so dearly prized.

    It is impossible that these people are men; because if we thought of them as men, one would begin to think that we ourselves are not Christians.14,****

    Let the "Founding Fathers" and their descendants draw theoretical inspiration from the likes of Montesquieu! Let them defend slavery and modern-day exploitation on the ground of property rights, taking their lead from the likes of James Madison, the main author of the Constitution. As for the proletariat, our goal is "Marx's view of the complete abolition of bourgeois property relations—and all relations in which human beings confront each other as owners (or non-owners) of property rather than through conscious and voluntary association."15

    For the exploiting classes, and in a system under their rule, the "bottom line" is to reduce the masses of people to mere wealth-creating property—and today, under the domination of the imperialists, the greatest of all exploiters, the mass of humanity is treated as merely a means to amass even greater wealth and power in the hands of, and for the profit of, so few. And at what cost! This cost must be measured in massive human suffering, degradation, and destruction. Imagine the even greater cost in human suffering, degradation, and destruction that will have to be paid unless and until the oppressed and exploited victims of this system, who are the great majority of humanity, rise up and overthrow this system and finally put an end to all social relations of exploitation and oppression.

    In conclusion, The Constitution of the United States is an exploiters' vision of freedom. It is a charter for a society based on exploitation, on slavery in one form or another. The rights and freedoms it proclaims are subordinate to and in the service of the system of exploitation it upholds. This Constitution has been and continues to be applied in accordance with this vision and with the interests of the ruling class of this system: In its application it has become more and more fully the instrument of bourgeois domination, dictatorship, oppression, conquest, and plunder.

    Our answer is clear to those who argue: Even if The Constitution of the United States is not perfect, it is the best that has been devised—it sets a standard to be striven for. Our answer is: Why should we aim so low, when we have The Communist Manifesto to set a far higher standard of what humanity can strive for—and is capable of achieving—a far greater vision of freedom.*****

     

    NOTES

    1. Quotes from James Madison are from the Federalist Paper No. 54 in The Federalist Papers (New York: New American Library, 1961), pp. 336-341, especially pp. 339 and 337. [back]

    2. Bob Avakian, Democracy: Can't We Do Better Than That? (Chicago: Banner Press, 1986), pp. 110-11. [back]

    3. Edward Conrad Smith, editor, The Constitution of the United States with Case Summaries (New York: Barnes & Noble Books, 1979), p. 18. All citations in this article are from the essay “The Origins of the Constitution.” [back]

    4. Ibid., pp. 18-19. [back]

    5. Avakian, Democracy, p. 69. [back]

    6. Ibid, p. 70. [back]

    7. Ibid, p. 71. [back]

    8. Lenny Wolff, The Science of Revolution: An Introduction (Chicago: RCP Publications, 1983), p. 184. [back]

    9. Avakian, Democracy, pp. 137-39. [back]

    10. Ibid., pp. 233-34. [back]

    11. Smith, Constitution of the U.S., p. 12. [back]

    12. Avakian, Democracy, p. 100. [back]

    13. Smith, Constitution of the U.S., p. 13. [back]

    14. Charles Montesquieu, De L'Esprit Des Lois, Paris: Garnier, 1927, livre 15, chapitre 5, "De L'Esclavage Des Negres" (The Spirit of the Laws, book 15, chapter 5, "On the Enslavement of Negroes"), my translation. [back]

    15. Avakian, Democracy, p. 212. [back]

    Added Notes by the Author, Spring 2023

    * A major factor underlying this “extension of constitutional rights and protections to those previously excluded from them” has—especially since the second half of the 20th century—been the increasing globalization of the capitalist-imperialist economy, a worldwide system of exploitation ensnaring literally billions of people, and in particular super-exploitation of masses of people, including more than 150 million children, in the Third World of Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Asia. The relationship of this worldwide exploitation, and super-exploitation, to the situation in the U.S. itself—particularly with regard to the economic structure and social and class relations within this country—is analyzed in depth in the paper by Raymond Lotta Imperialist Parasitism and Class-Social Recomposition in the U.S. From the 1970s to Today: An Exploration of Trends and Changes, which is available at revcom.us. The political dimensions of this are explored in my article Imperialist Parasitism and “Democracy”: Why So Many Liberals and Progressives Are Shameless Supporters of “Their” Imperialism (also available at revcom.us), where the following is made clear:

    [T]his imperialist plunder provides the material basis for a certain stability, at least in “normal times” in the imperialist “home country” (with the U.S. a prime example of this). This relative stability, in turn, makes it possible for the ruling class to allow a certain amount of dissent and political protest—so long as this remains within the confines of, or at least does not significantly threaten, the “law and order” that serves and enforces the fundamental interests of this ruling class.

    At the same time, as sharply demonstrated in mass uprisings which do call into question that “law and order” and/or defy allegiance to the imperialist interests of this system—such as the mass outpouring against police terror in 2020, and urban rebellions and mass opposition to the Vietnam war in the 1960s—the rulers of this country will frequently respond to such opposition with severe repression and murderous retribution.  For example, the city of Wilmington, in Biden’s home state of Delaware, was placed under martial law for months during the 1960s upsurge against the oppression of Black people, and a number of members of the Black Panther Party, most prominently Fred Hampton, were murdered by police, along with many Black people taking part in urban uprisings in that period, while militant mass resistance against the Vietnam war and rebellions among middle class youth and students were in some cases subjected to a vicious, and at times murderous, response by police and National Guard troops.

    It should never be forgotten, or overlooked, that the “law and order” that enforces this relative stability has included the regular murder of Black people, as well as Latinos, by police—resulting in the fact that the number of Black people who have been killed by police in the years since 1960 is greater than the thousands of Black people who were lynched during the period of Jim Crow segregation and Ku Klux Klan terror, before the 1960s. It should also not be overlooked that the U.S. has the highest rate of mass incarceration of any country in the world, with Black people and Latinos particularly subjected to this mass incarceration. [back]

    ** The point here, as emphasized in my work Breakthroughs: The Historic Breakthrough by Marx, and the Further Breakthrough with the New Communism, A Basic Summary, is that the essence of the capitalist economy, and the source of capitalist “wealth” and “economic growth,” is not a bunch of capitalist entrepreneurs and their “innovation,” or their “entrepreneurial genius.” It is the exploitation by the capitalists (the bourgeoisie) of wage-workers (the proletariat). This is different than the question of what is the driving force compelling the capitalists to continue to intensify the exploitation of the proletariat and to continually find new means of doing so. As also pointed out in Breakthroughs:

    Engels, in Anti-Dühring, discussed the motion of the fundamental contradiction of capitalism between socialized production and private appropriation. He pointed out that the working out of this contradiction assumes two different forms of motion that go into the dynamic process of this fundamental contradiction’s motion. Those two forms of motion are, on the one hand, the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat that it exploits, and the other form of motion that Engels identified, importantly, is the contradiction between organization and anarchy, the organization of production on the level of, say, an enterprise—which may be highly organized, with lots of calculations going into it, market estimates and all kinds of things, and may be very tightly organized in terms of how the actual process of production is carried out on the level of the particular capitalist corporation, and so on—while, at the same time, this is in contradiction to the anarchy of production and of exchange in the society as a whole (or today in the world as a whole, today more than ever in the world as a whole). So you have these two forms of motion—and I’ll come back later to a crucial distinguishing aspect of the new communism: the importance of identifying the second form of motion of this fundamental contradiction, that is, the anarchy/organization contradiction, or the driving force of anarchy, as overall the principal and most essential form of the motion of the fundamental contradiction of capitalism....

    In this regard, in the article “On the ‘Driving Force of Anarchy’ and the Dynamics of Change,” Raymond Lotta cited this statement of mine:

    anarchic relations between capitalist producers, and not the mere existence of propertyless proletarians or the class contradiction as such, that drives these producers to exploit the working class on an historically more intensive and extensive scale. This motive force of anarchy is an expression of the fact that the capitalist mode of production represents the full development of commodity production and the law of value.

    And then there is this very important passage:

    Were it not the case that these capitalist commodity producers are separated from each other and yet linked by the operation of the law of value they would not face the same compulsion to exploit the proletariat—the class contradiction between bourgeoisie and proletariat could be mitigated. It is the inner compulsion of capital to expand which accounts for the historically unprecedented dynamism of this mode of production, a process which continually transforms value relations and which leads to crisis.

    (Breakthroughs is available at revcom.us; and the article by Raymond Lotta referred to here, “On the ‘Driving Force of Anarchy’ and the Dynamics of Change,” can be found in the online theoretical journal Demarcations, Issue Number 3.) [back]

    *** As noted in “Imperialist Parasitism and ‘Democracy’: Why So Many Liberals and Progressives Are Shameless Supporters of ‘Their’ Imperialism”:

    Some of the mass murderers in other countries who today play such a crucial role in serving the interests of U.S. imperialism throughout the world, and in making possible the maintenance of bourgeois democracy in this country itself (worm-eaten as it is indeed), are the same as they were 40 years ago, and some are different—but the essential reality remains that the “platform of democracy” in this country rests on fascist terror, along with ruthless exploitation, in the oppressed nations of the Third World (Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Asia). [back]

    **** In relation to this statement by Montesquieu—and more generally his views on slavery—I am reproducing here the following “A Note from Bob Avakian: On Montesquieu, Slavery and the U.S. Constitution,” which appeared in Revolution #037, March 5, 2006, posted at revcom.us:

    Recently, Revolution ran an excerpt from a pamphlet I wrote, which was originally published in 1987, U.S. Constitution: An Exploiters' Vision of Freedom. In that excerpt, there is a quote from De L'Esprit Des Lois (or, in English, "The Spirit of the Laws") by Charles Montesquieu, an 18th–century French philosopher, who was one of the sources of inspiration for the U.S. Constitution, and in particular the theory of the separation of powers that is incorporated in that Constitution. The quote from this work of Montesquieu's, which was published in 1748, is one in which he recites an extreme and grotesquely racist justification for "the enslavement of the Negroes." In relation to this, it is not infrequently argued that Montesquieu was being ironic here, and deliberately overstating this argument, in order to, in effect, polemicize against the enslavement of African people, and that in general Montesquieu's writings express opposition to slavery. But the reality is not so simple as this, nor does this reflect what Montesquieu was essentially seeking to do in this part of "The Spirit of the Laws." It can be said that in "The Spirit of the Laws" Montesquieu's position is one of general opposition to slavery, and he indicates that slavery is not appropriate in countries like France; but, at the same time, he speaks to various circumstances in which he believes slavery can be justified or reasonable. For example, he argues that in the parts of the world, in particular the southern regions, where the climate is warmer, this climate makes people lazy (indolent), and slavery may be justified in order to get them to work (and he argues that in a despotic country, where people's political rights are already repressed, slavery may not be worse for people in that condition).

    This, and the general discussion of slavery that makes up this part (book 15) of "The Spirit of the Laws," is included in a broader discussion by Montesquieu on the nature of different societies and governments in different countries and parts of the world (this is found not only in book 15 but also books 14 and 16 of "The Spirit of the Laws") in which Montesquieu argues that geography and in particular climate plays a big part in determining the nature of different peoples and the character of their society and governing system. And it is important to understand that, although in this discussion Montesquieu makes logical refutation of certain arguments, including certain defenses of slavery, this is not a polemic for or against slavery, or other forms of government, and its character is not that of moral argumentation, so much as it is an attempt to explain why various practices, and various forms of society and government, have existed (and in some cases continue to exist) in various places.

    Another way to put this is that what Montesquieu is doing, in these parts of "The Spirit of the Laws" (and generally in this work), is attempting to make a kind of materialist analysis of these phenomena, including slavery in many places where it has existed—although it must be emphasized that this is not a thoroughly scientific, dialectical materialism but instead a rather crude and vulgar materialism which is marked, and marred, by a considerable amount of determinism: it is a kind of mechanical materialism that argues for a direct and straight-line (linear) connection between things like geography and climate and the character of society and government. It is a kind of materialism that does not adequately and accurately characterize the real motive forces in the development of human society, and in fact this kind of vulgar materialism has often been used to justify various forms of oppression, including colonial and imperialist domination. While we can, and should, recognize that, in the circumstances and time in which he wrote—about 250 years ago—there are aspects of what Montesquieu was seeking to do that were new and represented a break with the suffocating and obfuscating feudal outlook and conventions, it is very important to understand how Montesquieu's outlook and method were marked, and limited, by the social, and international, relations of which they were ultimately an expression: relations in which one part of society, and of the world, dominates and exploits others. And that is the basic point that was being emphasized in relation to Montesquieu and the U.S. Constitution, in the pamphlet U.S. Constitution: An Exploiters' Vision of Freedom.

    With regard to the specific passage that was cited in U.S. Constitution: An Exploiters' Vision of Freedom, "on the enslavement of the Negroes," there is, in fact, some reason to accept that Montesquieu does not actually agree with the justification for this enslavement that he summarizes, and that he is actually subjecting this kind of justification to some ironic and satirical treatment. A reasonable interpretation of Montesquieu's arguments, as he goes on in this part of "The Spirit of the Laws" (book 15), is that this kind of argument, about the non-human character of the Negroes, is not a valid argument, not one that actually justifies this enslavement. But then he does go on to explore the question of what might actually be reasonable justifications, in certain circumstances, for slavery; and, as spoken to above, he finds such justifications in situations such as those where there is a despotic government, or where—as he concludes, through an application of vulgar and determinist materialism—the warm climate makes people lazy and unwilling, on their own initiative, to work.

    Thus, in looking into and reflecting on this further, I would say that, while it is important to understand the complexity and nuance of what Montesquieu writes here—and it can be said that the way in which I cited Montesquieu in writing this pamphlet on the U.S. Constitution does not really or fully do that—it is not the case that what Montesquieu was doing here was actually making a case against the enslavement of the Negroes, or against slavery in general. Once again, it is important to keep in mind the fact that, although he was opposed to slavery on general principle, and declared that it was a good thing that it had been eliminated in his home country, France, and more generally in Europe, Montesquieu did not think slavery was wrong, or without justification, in all circumstances. And it also seems that Montesquieu did not hesitate to invest in companies involved in the slave trade. In this, there is a parallel with John Locke, the English philosopher and political theorist, who, as I pointed out in this same pamphlet (U.S. Constitution: An Exploiters' Vision of Freedom), was also a major influence in the conception of the U.S. Constitution. As I wrote in Democracy: Can't We Do Better Than That? (p. 29):

    "In sum, the society of which Locke was a theoretical exponent, as well as a practical political partisan, was a society based on wage-slavery and capitalist exploitation. And it is not surprising that, while he was opposed to slavery in England itself, he not only defended the institution of slavery, under certain circumstances, in the Second Treatise, but turned a not insignificant profit himself in the slave trade and helped to draw up the charter for a government headed by a slave-owning aristocracy in one of the American colonies. For as Marx sarcastically summarized: ‘The discovery of gold and silver in America, the extirpation, enslavement and entombment in mines of the aboriginal population, the beginning of the conquest and looting of the East Indies, the turning of Africa into a warren for the commercial hunting of black-skins, signalized the rosy dawn of the era of capitalist production.’" [back]

    ***** In the years since the writing of this article, I have devoted considerable work to the development of what is meant by this “far greater vision of freedom”—what it would mean “in real life.” One very important result of this is the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, which provides both a sweeping vision and a concrete blueprint for a radically different and emancipating society and world. This Constitution is available at revcom.us. [back]