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Articles in this issue (scroll down or click to read article below):

  • 85 Down, I Still Have 15 to Go... but Trump Has to Go Now

    A note from C. Clark Kissinger, on the occasion of his 85th birthday

  • The Escalating Nuclear Arms Race and the Real Possibility of Human Extinction...Up Against a Source of Real Hope in the Face of the Madness
  • Trump Sets the Stage to Steal the Next Election: The Need to Defeat Fascism, the Potential for Revolution
  • ALERT:

    Fascist Trump Threatens Iran—Continued Danger of War Looms

    No U.S.-Israeli Attack on Iran!

    Support the Iranian People’s Struggle for Justice!

  • From Atash/Fire #171, Journal of the Communist Party of Iran, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist

    Let's Better Understand the Islamic Republic’s Pattern of Repression!  The Global Partnership in Crimes against the Iranian People during January 2026
  • From Atash/Fire #171, Journal of the Communist Party of Iran, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist

    44 Years after the Sarbedaran Uprising The Challenges of Revolutionary War
  • American Crime Case #98: 1953 CIA Coup in Iran: Torture and Repression – Made in the U.S.A.
  • Celebrate 250 Years of America? NO! America Was NEVER “Great”We Need an Emancipating Revolution!
  • From RefuseFascism.org:

    One Year of Trump 2.0A Year of Lawless Murder and Boundless Terror

    The Trump Fascist Regime Must Go Now

  • In These Historic TimesDonate to Maintain a Robust Revcom.us!

    $20,000 needed by March 1, 2026

  • Urgent Warning: People Need to Know About and Come Together to Defeat the Fascist Repression Ahead
  • In the 1960s, the Government Spread Lies to Foment Violent Conflict Within the MovementThe Lessons of That Time Need to Be Learned Anew Today
  • “Don’t Talk”—A Fundamental Principle for Resisting Repression and Defending the Rights of the People 
  • U.S. CONSTITUTION: AN EXPLOITERS’ VISION OF FREEDOM—ADDED NOTES (AND BRIEF INTRODUCTION)
  • BOB AVAKIAN FOR THE LIBERATION OF BLACK PEOPLEAND THE EMANCIPATION OF ALL HUMANITY
  • RACIAL OPPRESSIONCAN BE ENDED—BUT NOT UNDER THIS SYSTEM
  • ABOLITION—REAL AND ILLUSORY
  • A Profound Fight for the Soul of Black People: A Defeated People—Or, A Revolutionary People?

    A series of social media 
    dispatches from Bob Avakian

  • ARTICLE:

    85 Down, I Still Have 15 to Go... but Trump Has to Go Now

    A note from C. Clark Kissinger, on the occasion of his 85th birthday

    Get This Pamphlet Out Widely

    We urge readers to download and print the pamphlet of this piece by C. Clark Kissinger, think about it and discuss with people you know—and get copies of it out all over, at a time when people are increasingly being compelled by events in the world to search for answers to the crimes and injustices of the system, and to think about what their lives are going to be about. (The PDF is in printer spreads: print front and back to create a pamphlet.)

    Clark Kissinger

     

    C. CLARK KISSINGER has been a prominent organizer, activist, writer, and speaker since the early 1960s. In the early ’60s, Clark was national secretary of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), and he organized the first March on Washington to End the War in Vietnam (1965). He is a revolutionary communist and advocate for the new communism developed by the revolutionary leader Bob Avakian.   

    During my now 65 years as a political activist, I have witnessed many things, three of which I want to single out as being of lasting significance. My appreciation of each of them today comes not so much from my “having been there,” but from an understanding of their significance gained over time, with the help and input of many comrades and friends.

    1. THE SIXTIES

    There is a mistaken impression that “the sixties” was an American phenomenon. What we now call “the sixties,” was actually a global upsurge of resistance and revolution extending from the late fifties through the mid-seventies. It embraced both rebellions in the advanced capitalist countries as well as socialist and anti-colonial revolutions in the Third World. 1968 alone was a year of global rebellion much like 1848. It saw the student-worker revolt in France, the Tet Offensive in Vietnam, the explosion of the Cultural Revolution in China, the massacre of student demonstrators in Mexico, the popular resistance to the Russian invasion of Czechoslovakia, the birth of the Palestinian resistance at the battle of Karameh, the Naxalite rebellion in India, martial law declared in Uruguay in response to the Tupamaros, as well as the urban uprisings in the U.S. following the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. and the growth of the Black Panther Party. (See my chronology of 1968 posted on www.dissident.info.)

    Chicano Moratorium march against war in Vietnam, 1970.

     

    The 1970 Chicano Moratorium was an expression of resistance and defiance against the U.S. war in Vietnam.   

    What is important to take away from the particular experience in the U.S. is what a growing revolutionary situation can look like. It is commonplace for people who were not there, or for people who were there but have been “recouped” by the ruling class, to sneer at how foolish people must have been to think that there could have been a revolution. Really? Let's take a look.

    The first ingredient of a revolutionary situation is a severe crisis in the ruling class that causes it to split and not be able to rule in the old ways. Such a political crisis does not necessarily arise from an economic crisis. In fact, the period of so much intense upsurge in the sixties, during which the ruling class was very much thrown on the defensive politically, coincided with the peak economic power of the U.S. globally.

    Black GI throws back his medal at the Capitol during Dewey Canyon III

     

    Black GI throws back his medal at the Capitol during Dewey Canyon III, 1971.   

    What did happen was that masses of people threw off their superstitious awe of the state and seized the political initiative away from the ruling class. People labeled the police as pigs. Soldiers in Vietnam refused to obey orders and rolled hand grenades into the tents of officers who were too gung-ho. Students burned down dozens of ROTC buildings. Women flat-out rejected the institutions of patriarchy. There were massive urban revolts in the U.S. and a growing Black liberation movement. The state had lost legitimacy in the eyes of millions.

    One result was a furious debate within the ruling class over how to handle the situation and regain control. Should there be a repressive clamp-down or should people be bought off with temporary concessions? The intensity of the struggle eventually led to a situation where both the president and vice president were forced to resign and the country had a president and a vice president who were appointed, not elected. That's what a crisis in the ruling class can look like. (For light entertainment, I recommend people read former Vice President Spiro Agnew's memoir Go Quietly... or Else.)

    The second requirement of a revolutionary situation is a revolutionary-minded people. They don’t have to be a majority, but they do have to be a significant force. In the ’60s there was a great awakening to the reality that the “American Dream” was actually an American nightmare for so many people here and around the world. While there was no deep understanding of what an actual revolution would require, literally millions of people came to believe that the existing system was hopelessly flawed and what was required was a “revolution.” Far from being a social stigma, there was a great deal of approbation for people who called themselves revolutionaries.

    People also began to act on their new self-identity. It was immoral to remain a passive observer. Demonstrations in Washington became so militant that the Nixon administration took to surrounding the White House with a wall of buses for fear that people would storm the seat of executive power. The call to shut Washington down in May of 1971 resulted in such an outpouring that the Army was called in to defend the capital and over 12,000 people were arrested—the largest mass arrest in U.S. history.

    But while we at least had a start on the first two requirements of a revolutionary situation, what we did not have was the third ingredient: a revolutionary party with the determination, the understanding, the plan, the leadership, the organization among the people, and the program for a post-revolutionary society that could both galvanize and lead a successful seizure of power. Even the most advanced force in that time, the Black Panther Party, never sat down and seriously addressed the question of what it would take to actually overthrow the state and lead a new revolutionary society.

    2. THE GREAT PROLETARIAN CULTURAL REVOLUTION

    Few people today are familiar with even the outlines of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR), and it is probably the single most lied about event in world history. It was an amazing ten-year mass upsurge in China led by Mao Zedong to break the power of the entrenched revisionist “communists” who wanted to follow the path of the Soviet Union, a path that would—and ultimately did—lead to the restoration of capitalism. 

    It was my privilege to have visited China twice during the latter half of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. As with the sixties, my understanding of what happened in this momentous world event comes more from study after the fact and from the insights of others, than from my own personal observations. That said, it was still amazing to see with my own eyes!

    While books and films on the GPCR correctly focus on the demonstrations, mass meetings and “big character posters” that were at the heart of the struggle for power, one aspect of the GPCR that is little recognized is that it produced the most massive political education program in human history. At each point, the entire country was mobilized to read and discuss the same major theoretical work. When I was there in 1972, people were studying Anti-Dühring by Engels and in 1975 it was Marx's Critique of the Gotha Program. At one point I kind of naively asked if they really had enough copies of Anti-Dühring for everyone to read. I was told in a rather matter-of-fact way that the state publishing house had just run off another 50 million copies. Now that's taking study seriously!

    Handing out leaflets during January Storm, China.

     

    In Shanghai, the revolutionary workers, with Maoist leadership, were able to unite broad sections of the city’s population. This was called the January Storm.   

    Another often forgotten aspect of the GPCR that impressed me so much were the “socialist new things.” I wrote about these at the time. These were experiments from below in forging new social and economic relations at a local level that presaged what a future communist society might look like. There were places where local communities consciously turned what had been commodities into social services. The use of these services was no longer linked to or exchanged for money earned by the recipients of those services. People used what they needed and contributed to the common weal in other ways. 

    In 1972, I visited a small village near the Daqing oil field in Manchuria. In this village, the women all worked—but in different sectors of the socialist economy. Some women worked in the fields as part of the local agricultural commune. They were paid mostly “in kind” from the crops. Some other women worked in a small local co-op factory that manufactured tacks. These women were paid from the money received from selling their tacks to the state. Finally, some women had jobs in the oil field and were paid cash wages directly by the state.

    The interesting fact here is that all the women worked hard, yet they received quite different incomes that were based on the differing economic productivity of their labor. The women who worked in the fields had the lowest income. The women from the tack factory were in the middle. The women who worked in the oil field made the most, because the productivity of the state-owned oil field was the highest.

    China, during Cultural Revolution: People gathering to discuss a "big-character poster."

     

    People gathering to discuss a "big-character poster," a popular means of political expression and protest during the Cultural Revolution in China, contributing to the atmosphere of broad debate over policy and direction of society.   

    The women in the village were all involved in studying Marx and they were wrestling with a theoretical question: They understood why some of them made more money than others. But did it have to stay this way? They didn’t think so. So, they decided to pool their incomes from the three different sources and divide the money more evenly. This was a startling break with the laws of exchange in a market-based economy. It was, in fact, revolutionary! It was a step toward communism, made by people consciously breaking with the concepts of “cash value” and private ownership as natural and inevitable.

    In the end, the socialist transition to communism was defeated in both the Soviet Union and in China; capitalism was restored. “Living labor” was once again subordinated to “dead labor” (capital as accumulated labor). The slogan “Serve the People” was replaced with the slogan “To get rich is glorious.” The great lessons learned under the leadership of Mao were that the revolutionary seizure of power is only the beginning, not the final goal, and that you cannot “produce your way to communism” by increasing the level of material abundance. The period of socialist transition is much more characterized by intense class struggle over changing economic and social relations that requires a leading core that is consciously striving for a classless society. 

    3. THE BIRTH OF THE NEW COMMUNISM OF BOB AVAKIAN

    Bob Avakian

     

    Bob Avakian, 2014   

    The most important and lasting thing to come from the sixties is the new communism of Bob Avakian. Avakian is the architect of a new framework for human emancipation and is, without question, the Karl Marx of our time.

    The defeat of socialism in the Soviet Union and China presented a big issue to “sixties people.” But Avakian refused to accept the triumphalist conclusions of the propagandists for capitalism. He has now spent over 50 years investigating what actually happened and has upheld the tremendous achievements of the Russian and Chinese revolutions. But he then dug into not only what was done right, but why mistakes (some of them quite grave) were made. With what method and approach did the leaders of these revolutionary societies address the freedoms and necessities they confronted? And how might we today do it differently and far better?

    I will try to lay out what I see as some of Avakian’s important conclusions and insights, but no one should take my observations as “authoritative” and they certainly do not replace the need to actually read Avakian’s basic works.

    The New Communism

     

    What Avakian highlights is the failure to be thoroughly scientific; scientific meaning to bring one’s ideas into correlation with reality and not wishful thinking. Too often, 20th century communism (the “old communism”) fell into an almost religious approach, substituting belief for reality. One striking example was the teleological claim that communism is inevitable. Communism is NOT inevitable; it is possible, there is a material basis for it, but it is not inevitable.

    I think what has impressed me the most in Avakian’s work is his new conception of socialism. Too many people today think of a socialist state as one with a “mixed economy” in which capitalism is restrained by the power of representative democracy while the state guarantees a basic standard of living and medical care for all.

    By contrast, Avakian has built on Marx’s concept of socialism as a period of transition in which the class dictatorship of the capitalist class is replaced by the class dictatorship of propertyless working people and their allies. The conscious goals of this transition are an economy governed by social needs rather than by a commodity market, and an end to the necessity for one section of society to hold institutionalized power over the rest.

    Another way of characterizing these goals was stated by Marx:  the abolition of all class distinctions, of all the production relations on which those class distinctions rest, of all the social relations that correspond to those production relations, and the revolutionizing of all the ideas that correspond to those social relations.

    Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America

     

    But a barrier to masses of people taking up this understanding was the too frequent suppression of critical thinking by the old communism. In contrast, Avakian calls for a socialist society with room to disagree and “air” for people to breathe. While maintaining socialist state power against any violent attempts to restore capitalism, the new socialist state is best characterized as having a solid core with a lot of elasticity. Communists should never fear the truth and should encourage dissent, because all truths can be learned from.

    Avakian points out that contradictions can arise between the people and a socialist state. While the socialist state has to protect the people from external enemies and any forceful restoration of capitalism, the socialist state also has to protect the rights of the people from the state itself. Of particular importance is Avakian’s insistence that communists lead the state mainly through ideological and political influence and not through organizational control. Members of the communist party must be subordinate to the law and the constitution of the socialist state, and are afforded no special privileges by virtue of being members of the party. 

    In particular, Avakian calls not only for the right of people to criticize the state and even call for the restoration of capitalism, but further, the state should in part fund such criticism and also fund the legal defense of persons prosecuted by the state to the same extent that the state funds their prosecution. This is a concept of legal rights that no capitalist state has ever dared espouse.

    Avakian has also sharply criticized the ideas that truth has a class basis (rather than truth being objective) and that working and oppressed people have a special purchase on truth simply by virtue of being exploited or oppressed. From this flowed the faulty idea that just putting working people in positions of power, rather than fighting for all of society to have a deeper understanding of the path to classless society, would solve the problems.

     

    Another example of faulty analysis in the old communism is the idea that the basis for communism is material abundance, from which flowed the idea that a socialist state could just “produce its way to communism.” There is a certain required level of abundance to have a communist economy, but the principal necessity is the change in people’s thinking and social relations—not how much material wealth there is to go around.

    The old communism also did not always do well with issues of internationalism. The goal of communist revolution is not the improvement of the lives of the people in a given country, but rather the global emancipation of humanity from the fetters of capital. As Avakian points out, the principal task of a communist country is to serve as a base area for world revolution. Yet too often communist leaders succumbed to nationalism and concentrated on the interests of their own country.

    Plus, there was a serious failure in the moral underpinnings for communism and the road to get there. The new communism of Bob Avakian is firm in holding that the ends do not justify the means. Crimes cannot be committed on the grounds that they will get us closer to communism. Rather, communist means must always flow from and be consistent with the goals of communism.

    Bob Avakian's Work on Fascism: 1996-2025

     

    Like Marx, Avakian has been a prolific commentator on current events and has provided invaluable guidance. In particular, he has over the last forty years documented and warned of the rise of Christian nationalism and fascism in this country. (Here, see Bob Avakian’s Work on Fascism: 1996-2025.) People in Germany might have had the excuse that “no one could have seen what was coming.” People in this country cannot claim that excuse.

    At the same time, Avakian has looked much more deeply into the path for revolution in developed capitalist countries, and the deadly pull on even the best-intentioned people toward overestimating the strength of necessity and underestimating the freedom that exists to transform that necessity—ultimately leading them to either denying the possibility of, or just sitting and waiting for, a revolution. Instead, what is required is an active analysis of the fault lines of the existing society and constant straining at the limits of the possible with a concrete goal in mind:  the hastening of a revolutionary situation.

    It is important to understand that the body of work that Avakian has created is not an add-on, a refinement, or a particular application of Marxism. Rather it is a qualitative leap in the science itself, comparable to the leap made by Marx. At the time of Marx, capitalism had consolidated state power in America and the major states of Europe, and was spreading across the globe like a metastatic cancer. Humanity had nothing to confront it with save bourgeois democracy, syndicalism, or utopian concepts of socialism, often based in religion. Marx changed all that with a scientific explanation of the capitalist system and what had to be done to abolish it. 

    Today, with the defeat of the great revolutions of the 20th century, the globalization of capitalist production, the existential climate threat to the planet, and the world-wide spread of fascist movements, the old tools of bourgeois liberalism, social-democratic labor movements, and even the best of past communist thought, have been shown to be utterly inadequate to the challenges facing humanity. It is at this point that Bob Avakian has stepped forward to address what has to be done, but with a qualitatively transformed and more scientific, evidence-based method and approach. Avakian has given humanity the tools for its next great leap.

    Like Marx in his time, Avakian is a controversial figure. Marx was considered something of a dogmatist and sectarian by the reformists of his day. To get a feel for this, people should watch Raoul Peck’s film The Young Karl Marx. Yet like other great scientists before and after him, the insights of Marx have proven basically true and have come to both shape our understanding of the real world and alter the course of history.

    Having been witness to this development over many years now, I can say that if you are serious about emancipating humanity then you have to become a student of Bob Avakian. I have to admit that as a student of Avakian, I was often late for class and didn't always make good grades. But I never dropped out of school. Young revolutionaries today have the most advanced revolutionary thought in the world in their hands with their whole lifetimes ahead—and I still have another 15 years. Together, let's run with it!

    There is much, much more, but I would encourage people to dig into Avakian’s many written works such as The New Communism, the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, and Breakthroughs.

    Codicil

    In December 2020 at the height of the COVID crisis in New York City, I was living a few blocks from a major hospital in Brooklyn. Outside the front of that hospital, lines formed daily of people waiting to be seen in the emergency room. Around back, behind the hospital, there was a row of refrigerator trucks for the bodies for which there was no longer room in the hospital’s morgue. 

    While that pandemic crisis has abated for now, the global warming crisis has not. We are now pretty much past the point of no return. For about three billion years, plants, algae and cyanobacteria have been patiently extracting carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, using solar energy to synthesize carbohydrates, and releasing oxygen back into the atmosphere. In the last three hundred years, that whole process has been dramatically reversed, with the burning of fossil fuels releasing carbon dioxide back into the atmosphere in massive quantities, trapping solar radiation in the form of heat. 

    Today, almost everything that moves in commerce (trucks, planes, trains) moves on energy released from the burning of fossil fuels (coal, petroleum and natural gas). Yet at the same time, the amount of energy that falls on the earth from solar radiation is more than enough to meet humanity’s foreseeable needs. So what prevents simply switching to solar energy in place of fossil fuels? The capitalism system.

    Many trillions of dollars of capital are invested in both fossil fuel powered equipment and in the extraction and distribution of fossil fuels. To abandon that, would require the literal destruction of all that capital. The owners of capital have zero incentive to eat that massive loss, and they have the powerful compulsion from competing capital to continue with what they are doing. Only a new communist revolution can change this and put humanity first. This is a basic reality, yet most people find it easier to imagine the end of the world than to imagine an end to capitalism.

    Interrelated with the climate crisis is the destruction of the viability of life for millions of people in their home countries. One result has been the mass migration of people from the global South toward white, imperial Europe and America. The year that I was born, 1940, was the “high water mark” for white people in America. Whites made up 90 percent of the population. Today, whites make up 60 percent of the population, and an even smaller percentage of school-age children. 

    That demographic change in the U.S., combined with the decline of U.S. economic power in the face of global competition and the impact of the movements of women and people of color, has provided the basis for a core of reactionary capitalists to organize a fascist movement. A movement appealing to the preservation of the economic well-being and social superiority to which white, male, Christian Americans feel entitled. Hence the emergence of a fascist movement to “Make America Great Again.”

    The horrors that consolidated fascism will wreak on this country and the world are beyond the imagination of most people. Trump must be driven from power NOW, before it is too late.

    BobAvakianOfficial Revolution #141

     

    Read/listen to this September 29, 2025 social media message from @BobAvakianOfficial.   

  • ARTICLE:

    The Escalating Nuclear Arms Race and the Real Possibility of Human Extinction...
    Up Against a Source of Real Hope in the Face of the Madness

    1-Hiroshima-Nagasaki.png

     

    Over the past month, Donald Trump let the last nuclear weapons treaty between the U.S. and Russia expire. This treaty froze the number of deployed nuclear weapons at 1,550 for each side—more than enough to wipe out the entire population of the earth many times over. Yet, this was not enough for Donald Trump, nor were there any serious opposed voices raised by other prominent politicians. To quote the New York Times, this “leaves both superpowers with no limits on the size or structure of their arsenals, at the very moment both are planning new generations of nuclear war heads.” [emphasis added] 

    The U.S. has projected an increase in spending on “defense” of 66 percent next year, over an already high increase this year—and further increases for each of the next 10 years. Other powers—both “lesser” imperialist powers like France or Poland, and wannabe imperialists—are now moving to add to their “stockpile” or to begin to produce their own nuclear weapons if they do not yet have them. Meanwhile, the main U.S. rival for world domination—China—has been making its own rapid and dramatic advances in nuclear war technology and weaponry, as has Russia. 

    Bulletin of Atomic Scientists Doomsday clock with 85 seconds to midnight.

     

    Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists Doomsday Clock    GRAPHIC:  TheBulletin.org

    It is no wonder that the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists recently set their “Doomsday Clock”1 at 85 seconds to midnight—the closest it’s ever been. 

    This is insane. Utterly insane. The capacity exists to wipe out human misery, hunger and exploitation… and yet this capacity is being driven to develop quicker, more efficient and more complete ways to destroy humanity.

    But there is a logic driving this insanity. It is the death-bound logic of expand or die. It is the logic built into the system we are forced to live under. And that system is capitalism-imperialism—in which a handful of powers are driven to contend for control of the people and resources of the planet… lest they be driven under by a rival power. 

    In the face of this escalated threat of the mass extinction of humanity, the millions and millions of decent people, who would want to see a world without war, have largely ignored what is happening. This LACK of public alarm, or even awareness, especially as compared to earlier times when the threat of nuclear war heightened and people did raise alarms and resist it, is a very striking aspect of this situation. 

    Why such silence at the gates of hell?

    Some people tell themselves it’s hopeless… and thereby accept the extreme and accelerating danger of humanity being incinerated! To those who do this: you don’t want to look too close, do you? You don’t want to seriously think about this “problem” that threatens humanity. But is not this act of acceptance (even in the form of “I-don’t-want-to-think-about-it” ignore-ance) also insane? Criminally insane?

    For here is the hard but liberating truth: it is hopeless so long as you insist on confining your thinking to terms based on working within (or in some cases on the margins of) the capitalist-imperialist system that birthed these weapons and is now pumping the gas toward Armageddon. 

    A Scientific Basis for Hope

    But if you can liberate yourself from the myth that “there is no alternative” to capitalism-imperialism, then there is a basis for hope and a way to go to work on making this hope a reality. Real hope—hope founded in that material reality and a scientific approach to understanding that reality, including as it pertains to society… and to war. This has been addressed by Bob Avakian in a number of places:

    It is true that, so long as there are nuclear armed imperialist (and other reactionary) states, the people of the world will be subject to nuclear blackmail. That underscores once again the profound, and acute, importance of my statement that the people of the world can no longer afford to allow these imperialists to dominate the world and determine the destiny of humanity—they need to be overthrown as quickly as possible. (This statement is part of interviews that were done with me last fall on the YouTube RNL—Revolution, Nothing Less!—Show.) [from "Don't Worry About a Nuclear War--If There Is One Russia Will Lose!": The Dangerous Demagoguery of Timothy Snyder on Behalf of U.S. Imperialism and Its Proxy War in Ukraine"]...

    We, the people of the world, can no longer afford to allow these imperialists to continue to dominate the world and determine the destiny of humanity. And it is a scientific fact that humanity does not have to live this way.

    In order to no longer live this way, it is necessary to carry out a thoroughgoing revolution, to overthrow the system of capitalism-imperialism, and bring into being a radically different and much better system. A sweeping vision and concrete blueprint for that radically different and much better system is contained in the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, which I have authored. In this Constitution, the following is made very clear:

    "The New Socialist Republic in North America will not develop, and will not use, nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction. It will wage a determined and many-sided struggle to rid the world of all such weapons—and it will do this as part of the larger, overall struggle to defeat and dismantle all imperialist and reactionary states and forces and to advance toward the achievement of communism, throughout the world, which will finally make it possible for the desires and dreams of countless human beings throughout history, and the fundamental interests of humanity, for a world without war, to at long last be realized."

    teaser REVOLUTION 42

     

    Read/listen to this social media message from @BobAvakianOfficial.   

    This is not just a dream or simply a lofty aspiration. As I have spoken to throughout these messages (and in a concentrated way in numbers One through Eleven), this is a rare time when the revolution to overthrow this system—yes, right in this powerful capitalist-imperialist country—is not only urgently necessary but is possible, and this revolution would make possible a crucial leap toward an emancipating future in which humanity can truly thrive, without the terrible suffering to which the masses of humanity are now subjected, and without the continual threat of nuclear annihilation. [from REVOLUTION #42: Imperialism—and Imperialist War: What is, and is not, its fundamental motivation, nature and role, and how it can be finally ended.]

    Get into Bob Avakian. Learn about the revolution we need, the emancipating leadership we have and the world we could win.

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists was started by scientists who worked on the development of the U.S. atomic bomb. They were horrified by the death and destruction caused by the nuclear incineration of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and saw a need to warn humanity of the dangers of nuclear war. Midnight on their Doomsday Clock has come to stand for human extinction. [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    Trump Sets the Stage to Steal the Next Election: The Need to Defeat Fascism, the Potential for Revolution

    FBI agents at the Fulton County Election Hub and Operation Center, January 28, 2026, in Union City, Georgia.

     

    FBI agents raided an election office at the Fulton County Election Hub and Operation Center, January 28, 2026, in Union City, Georgia.    Photo: AP

    To make revolution, you need three conditions. In the words of Bob Avakian (BA), the first one is this:

    A crisis in society and government so deep and so disruptive of the “usual way of things,” that those who have ruled over us, for so long, can no longer do so in the “normal” way that people have been conditioned to accept.

    Every week, the Trump fascist regime drives this first condition further. And this past week the regime and Trump himself took further big leaps in moving to subvert what is considered one of the main ways that "people have been conditioned to accept" the oppressive and exploitative rule of American capitalism-imperialism: the U.S. elections. 

    These fascists deeply and fanatically believe that only they are the legitimate rulers of this system and they are actively working to rig and steal the next election—without violence if they can, but through violence if they must. What is urgently required are millions of people determined to wrench a livable future for humanity out of this extremely volatile and dangerous situation.

    Election Rigging, Violent Threats and Practice Runs

    Since Trump was prevented from stealing the 2020 election—despite an all-sided campaign which did actually come very close to succeeding—he and those around him have been actively working to steal the next election. On Trump's first day in office, Trump pardoned about 1,500 insurrectionists who violently stormed the Capitol on January 6, 2021 to overturn the 2020 election. In August 2025, Trump asked fascist governors to redraw election maps to openly favor the fascists. He has worked to remake how American elections are run and has repeatedly threatened to run for a third term.

    This has intensified over the last two weeks:

    This week, Trump has repeatedly threatened a federal takeover of elections. This would be a major violation and break with the U.S. Constitution itself, which says that the states oversee the elections. 

    Twice he has said that "The Republicans ought to nationalize the voting.” And he even went so far as to spell out what kind of places needed to be “taken over,” naming Philadelphia, Detroit and Atlanta as incapable of conducting fair elections because they are all “unbelievably corrupt.” These are all majority Black and Latino, and majority Democratic cities. 

    On February 3, the fascist architect and ideologue Steve Bannon said, “We’re going to have ICE surround the polls come November.” And addressing Democrats, he said, “We’re not going to sit here and allow you to steal the country again. And you can whine and cry and throw your toys out of the pram all you want, but we will never again allow an election to be stolen.”

    A leap in this offensive took place on January 28 when the FBI raided an election office in Fulton County, Georgia, and seized 700 boxes of ballots from the 2020 elections.2 In the midst of this raid, Trump himself got on speakerphone with the FBI agents to ask questions and praise them for being part of this outrageous raid. This kind of direct intervention from the fascist commander-in-chief is unprecedented.

    Analyzing what was really going on with this, Marc Elias—an elections lawyer for the Democrats—said

    This is not only the election denialism of 2020... this is about proof of concept for the future. People talk about seizing ballots and surrounding polling places and stealing elections as if somehow these things are easily done. These are conceptual frameworks that people in the administration have to get comfortable with, moral frameworks they have to get comfortable with. They have to contend with the Constitution and the law and judges and all that, but they also have to contend with just the sheer logistics of it all. Like, how do we actually do this thing where there are ballots in the possession of a county official? How are we going to get them and how are we going to then count them in a way that is going to cast doubt on the outcome or cast doubt on the outcome through other propaganda and disinformation campaigns? And I think that this Georgia thing is just as much about that as it is about 2020. And in that respect, we have to be honest: Donald Trump and his administration are pulling something off. They actually did seize ballots. They actually got their hands on them... at the end of the day, Tulsi Gabbard is on a truck full of documents that have been seized from an [election] office. And those are now in the possession of Trump's FBI...

    One of Trump's regrets from 2020 is that he didn't seize the voting machines, and in a recent interview, he openly pondered whether National Guard troops were “sophisticated enough” to impound ballots in the upcoming election. 

    As a vicious climax to the week, Trump posted an ugly racist attack of Barack and Michelle Obama—depicting them as apes—in the midst of a video lying about the "stolen 2020 election." And in all these attacks, there is a vicious and openly white supremacist assault against voting rights for Black people and Latinos. 

    All this is happening in a context in which court rulings that go against the Trump regime are routinely ignored, and in the great majority of cases that get to the fascist dominated Supreme Court, the Court rules in favor of Trump

    Elections: Why They Mean Nothing… 

    What we've cited here just scratches the surface of an onslaught of lawsuits, proposed legislation, blackmail and other maneuvers by the fascists to make sure that Republicans either “win” the election (by preventing people who oppose them from voting, or from having their votes counted), and/or are in a good position to overturn the election results if the fascists lose. 

    This whole situation is politically explosive. Millions are actively opposing this regime in every corner of society. Trump's armed gestapo is murdering protesters without remorse. Meanwhile, Trump is itching to send the U.S. military into city streets and continues to threaten to execute his political rivals. 

    In a country that has relied on the "peaceful transfer of power" as one of the central things that provides this system with legitimacy, openly ripping that away is not a minor matter. We'll speak to this point more below, but first, let's get clear on what elections are, and are not.

    Despite the cover of "freedom and democracy," elections have never been the process through which decisions in this system of capitalism-imperialism get made. But they have been at the foundation of why people go along with this system. You're constantly told that if you passionately oppose the white supremacy and patriarchal oppression of women and LGBT people, if you can’t stomach the mass deportations and wars, if you dread the ongoing destruction of the environment… then you should vote for someone to change all this. But because all this oppression is woven into this system of capitalism and cannot be ended under this system, there can be no real meaningful change brought about through elections.

    The elections do, however, give this system a so-called "popular mandate." They tell you that the elections express “the will of the people.” But the reality is that who you vote for and the questions you hear debated are pre-selected to serve the interests of that same system. You don't change or "control" this system through the elections, but the elections is how you get controlled, confined and channeled—in your thinking, and actions. 

    Just think about the election of 2024 where you could not meaningfully vote against the genocide in Gaza. Because as profound as the differences are between the Democrats and the Republi-fascists, they do have a fundamental unity about the need for their empire (again, even as they have sharp irreconcilable differences over how this empire should be ruled). And whatever else is going on, the American empire needs Israel to play a role as attack dog and military outpost in the strategic region of the Middle East.

    Teaser REVOLUTION 83

     

    Read/listen to this social media message from @BobAvakianOfficial.    @BobAvakianOfficial

    ...And Why (Sometimes) They Could Mean a Lot

    But now that con game is in a crisis.

    The Republi-fascists existentially feel that they cannot preserve the American empire without a sharp break with the "normal" way that U.S. capitalism has functioned for the last 150 years and are determined to smash that whole way of operating. These dangerous maniacs fervently believe that only they, and only their program of open and unconstrained white supremacy, male supremacy, erasure of LGBT people, hatred of immigrants, anti-science lunacy, belligerent war mongering, the crushing of protest and dissent, and decimation of the rule of law—only that recasting of U.S. society is legitimate and can “Make America Great Again.” And the path to achieving this demands defeating, crushing and subordinating—as violently as necessary—their opponents, both in the ruling class and among the people. Elections also have to be “retooled” (assuming they are continued) into an automatic affirmation of fascist rule. (See sidebar for more from Bob Avakian on the roots of this.) 

    In the election of 2020, Bob Avakian called Trump's attempts to steal that election a "rolling coup." The culmination of this all-sided effort was on January 6, 2021 when thousands of crazed fascists violently stormed the Capitol to stop the certification of the vote. When it was over, BA labeled it a dress rehearsal.

    This time, the fascists are determined to succeed.

    This Situation Demands That YOU—That Every Decent Human Being—Step Up Their Commitment to Stop This and Search for a Way Forward Out of This Truly Existential Crisis

    Trump Must Go Now rally marches toward the capitol, November 5, 2025.

     

    Washington, DC, marching to the capitol, November 5, 2025.    Photo: AP/Jose Luis Magana

    No one can predict exactly how this situation will unfold in these next weeks and months—the situation in the U.S., and around the world is extremely volatile. But Trump/MAGA fascism is accelerating, and working overtime to lock down their grip on society and consolidate their fascist program.

    What we can predict is that those who are ignoring or downplaying this danger are marching you to disaster. The Democratic Party and their leading representatives are desperately clinging to the very elections that the fascists are moving to rig and steal. As a ruling class institution, they are working to maintain the stability of capitalism-imperialism and will not risk the upheaval that might be required to defeat Trump fascism. Elias himself, while sounding the alarm that Trump's moves are "terrifying," ended up just arguing that what people should do is protest, keep filing lawsuits, "make a plan to vote, pay attention, and make sure that everyone in your social circles understands what's going on."

    In the face of this fascist warp-speed juggernaut, this is extremely inadequate and profoundly irresponsible. If this regime is allowed to consolidate, it will not just mean absolute horror for masses of people here and all over the world, it could crush any real possibility of resistance, or the struggle for a better future. With the increased danger of climate catastrophe and nuclear war, it's not an overstatement to say that it could even mean the extinction of our species.

    There need to be growing millions recognizing the full fascist program, in sustained nonviolent protest, determined to drive this whole fascist regime from power NOW! People's rights—including their basic right to vote—need to be defended as part of going up against and defeating this juggernaut as a whole. And people broadly need to have each other's backs in the face of the severe repression being brought down by the fascist regime. 

    At the same time, there is great urgency in looking deeper into the very system that has given rise to this fascism, and so many other atrocities, and in looking for answers outside of and beyond this system. For while the situation is full of extreme and very negative danger, there is also the possibility that a revolution to bring a whole new system into being could be wrenched out of all this craziness if through this, the second two conditions for revolution are developed. Again, from Bob Avakian:

    A revolutionary people in the millions and millions, with their “allegiance” to this system broken, and their determination to fight for a more just society greater than their fear of the violent repression of this system....

    An organized revolutionary force—made up of continually growing numbers of people, from among the most oppressed but also from many other parts of society—a force which is grounded in, and is working systematically to apply, the most scientific approach to building for and then carrying out revolution, and which is increasingly looked to by masses of people to lead them to bring about the radical change that is urgently needed.

    That radical change is spelled out in an inspiring way in the Declaration from the revcoms, We Need and We Demand: A Whole New Way to Live, a Fundamentally Different System:

    Poster: We Need We Demand slogan

     

    So long as we are still living under the rule of this system of capitalism-imperialism, we will defend people against attacks on their lives and on the rights that are supposed to be guaranteed under the U.S. Constitution. But we need a whole different system, with a whole different Constitution—the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America—which will provide much greater rights for the people, including the basic right to have the fundamentally determining role in a new society and government whose purpose and goal is to eliminate all exploitation and oppression, everywhere.

    The fact is that, despite its claims to speak in the name of “we, the people” the U.S. Constitution is a document that was written by and has served the interests of slave-owning and capitalist exploiters, from the beginning of this country down to today. It is a document that restricts the notion of “freedom” to what is possible within the killing confines of this system of capitalism-imperialism, a system of brutal exploitation and murderous oppression. It is a document that sets the terms for enforcing this system which treats the masses of people, here and all over the world, as objects to be used and abused to generate profits and increase capital for a small number of big-time exploiters...a system that casts off as useless, and treats as dangerous, huge numbers of human beings who cannot be profitably exploited...a system that causes endless wars that kill off millions and cause massive destruction...a system that treats the environment as something to be plundered in the pursuit of profit and rivalry to dominate the world.

    The Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America is completely, fundamentally different than the U.S. Constitution. This Constitution for a new socialist republic provides a sweeping vision, a firm foundation and concrete blueprint for bringing into being a society, and ultimately a world, free from all forms of slavery, all exploitation and oppression based on class, race, sex and gender, all relations in which one part of humanity is subordinated to and dominated by others.

    The new socialist system based on the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America will do what can never be done under this system of capitalism-imperialism: Through its institutions, through elections and in an all-round way, this new socialist system will provide the means to politically empower the masses of people, in order to carry out the revolutionary transformation of society, and to contribute to this process in the world as a whole.

    While uniting all who can be united to defeat this fascism, this is what people need to raise their sights to—and be part of fighting for.

    Something Terrible or Something Truly Emancipating - Square, wo "NEW"

     

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. In an unusual move, this was directly overseen by the Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard. It is very rare to have the top heads of agencies be on site for local criminal investigations. One thing this could mean is that the regime may try to argue that they have to fuck with the election out of a "national security" concern, whatever that means.  [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    ALERT:

    Fascist Trump Threatens Iran—Continued Danger of War Looms

    No U.S.-Israeli Attack on Iran!

    Support the Iranian People’s Struggle for Justice!

    Updated

    Editors’ Note: This past week, the fascist Trump regime vowed to continue its negotiations with Iran. Meanwhile, it is also further—and ominously—building up its military forces in the Middle East. Reuters and the Israeli newspaper Haaretz report

    The U.S. military is preparing for the possibility of sustained, weeks-long operations against Iran if President Donald Trump orders an attack, two U.S. officials told Reuters, in what could become a far more serious conflict than previously seen between the countries. U.S. officials said on Friday the Pentagon was sending an additional aircraft carrier to the Middle East [the USS Gerald R. Ford], along with thousands more troops, fighter aircraft, guided missile destroyers and other firepower capable of waging attacks and defending against them.

    When Trump was asked if he favored regime change (the overthrow or replacement of the Islamic Republic of Iran), he replied that it "seems like that would be the best thing that could happen." 

    As these developments are taking place, Israel—the U.S.’s key military outpost in the region—continues to violate the ceasefire in Gaza, including by launching genocidal assaults on the Palestinian people there. Just this past week, Israeli attacks killed at least seven, bringing the Palestinian death toll to 581, since the so-called ceasefire brokered by the Trump regime was declared on October 11, 2025. 

    Adding to this horror, a recent investigation by Al Jazeera Arabic has documented that 2,842 Palestinians in Gaza have been “evaporated” by Israeli thermal and thermobaric munitions since October 2023. These internationally banned weapons, supplied to Israel by the U.S., generate enormous heat—up to 6,332 degrees Fahrenheit—that turn human bodies into ash in seconds, leaving behind little more than blood spray or small fragments of flesh.

    Israel is also escalating its campaign of violent terror, displacement, and land seizures in the Palestinian West Bank. 

    Meanwhile, the Islamic Republic of Iran has not halted its suppression of the Iranian people, including by imprisoning prominent opposition leaders and voices of conscience.

    Overall, the situation remains extremely dangerous and unpredictable, and the following alert’s guidance and analysis continues to be timely.

    Aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln

     

    Aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln.   

    As we write, the grave danger of war looms over the Middle East. The fascist Trump regime is once again threatening to launch a war on Iran. Such an illegitimate, imperialist act of aggression threatens the lives of many thousands, perhaps millions, if it spreads across the region, and perhaps beyond.

    This past week, Trump warned that a U.S. armada was heading toward Iran, prepared to carry out military strikes “with great power, enthusiasm and purpose,” if Iran’s Islamic Republic didn’t bow down to Trump’s nakedly imperialist demands for submission. 

    Trump’s demands? A permanent end to all nuclear enrichment (which Iran has the right to do3); limits on the range and numbers of Iran’s ballistic missiles; and an end to all support for Iran’s allies across the region. In other words, Iran is to be left defenseless while the U.S. and Israel, with their massive stockpiles of nuclear bombs and other weapons of war, and military bases and alliances across the region, would have free rein to attack Iran and others in the region whenever they decide to.   

    “Time is running out,” to accept these outrageous demands, Trump warned, “it is truly of the essence!”

    The U.S. has surged military forces into the region, including the USS Abraham Lincoln Carrier Strike Group,4 combat ships and destroyers, at least a dozen attack aircraft, submarines that can launch cruise missiles at Iran, and anti-missile systems. Long-range U.S.-based bombers can attack Iran, and the U.S. has between 30,000 and 40,000 troops already stationed in the region.

    Meanwhile, the leader of Iran’s Islamic Republic has threatened to launch a regional war if the U.S. attacks.

    The situation is extremely fraught and quickly developing. There are reports that the U.S. and Iran are now negotiating and may avoid war. Other reports claim the U.S. has already decided on war. 

    Oppose Fascist Trump’s Imperialist Bullying and War Moves

    BobAvakianOfficial REVOLUTION #123

     

    Read/listen to this social media message from @BobAvakianOfficial.   

    Revcom.us will continue to follow this perilous situation and keep readers informed. But right now several key things are very clear:

    1. These threats and any attack on Iran by the fascist Trump regime are completely outrageous and illegitimate. They are not being done in support of the Iranian people’s just struggle against the Islamic Republic, or to end the danger of nuclear war, just the opposite: they’re being done to more forcefully impose U.S. imperialist domination, including military domination, on Iran and its people and the entire Middle East region.
    2. The people of this country have a responsibility to the people of Iran and the world to vigorously oppose any and all aggression, bullying, and military attacks on Iran.
    3. The U.S. imperialists are the world’s “top predators.” But Iran’s theocratic rulers are also thoroughly reactionary: they are part of the global capitalist-imperialist system, and have just slaughtered thousands of Iranians who rose up for justice in early January. The rebellions of the Iranian people over the last period—over the severe economic privation in these past weeks, and especially in 2022 around the slogan “Woman, Life, Freedom” are overwhelmingly progressive and should be supported.
      Now is not the time to choose between oppressors. People in this country also have the responsibility of supporting the just struggle of the Iranian people, against their hated rulers, for justice and a brighter future. In this light, see Intervew with Osyan5 on the January Uprising in Iran, and War Has Casualties?! from Atash/Fire, journal of the Communist Party of Iran, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist.

    The criminal and very dangerous threats by U.S. imperialism and the fascist Trump regime, as well as the crimes of Iran’s Islamic Republic, once again emphasize the urgency of the call from the revolutionary leader and author of the new communism, Bob Avakian:

    We, the people of the world, can no longer afford to allow these imperialists to continue to dominate the world and determine the destiny of humanity. They need to be overthrown as quickly as possible. And it is a scientific fact that we do not have to live this way.

    No U.S.-Israeli Attack on Iran!

    Support the Just Struggle of the Iranian People! 

    In the name of humanity, we refuse to accept a fascist America!

    This whole system is rotten and illegitimate! We need and we demand: a whole new way to live, a fundamentally different system!

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. Iran does not possess any nuclear weapons and there is no conclusive proof that they are attempting to build them. On the other hand, Israel has some 90 nuclear warheads, while the U.S. has over 5,000!  [back]

    2. The USS Abraham Lincoln generally carries 60 to 70 aircraft, and can carry as many as 90. [back]

    3. Osyan is a group of Iranian and Afghan women whose name means "We are Rebels." [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    From Atash/Fire #171, Journal of the Communist Party of Iran, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist

    Let's Better Understand the Islamic Republic’s Pattern of Repression!  
    The Global Partnership in Crimes against the Iranian People during January 2026

    Editors’ note: The article below is posted in Farsi in Atash/Fire journal #171, February, 2026 issue at cpimlm.org. It represents the views of the CPI (MLM). It was translated to English by revcom.us volunteers. Translators added footnotes and notations (in brackets) for clarification purposes.  

    Photo of barricades in Tehran (IG @Ahmadreza_Haeri)

     

    by Jila Anousheh

    In an article titled “War has casualties?!” we wrote: “[Pro-U.S.-Israel monarchist] Reza Pahlavi's war with the Islamic Republic is a war of the security organizations of [Israeli secret police] Mossad, the U.S., and other countries in the region against the security apparatus of the Islamic Republic that has been going on for years.” [That article in Farsi is in Atash/Fire #171, and in English is at revcom.us/en/war-has-casualties>.]

    We now know that the presence of Mossad-led forces in the midst of the popular uprising 6 was not merely a fabrication of the Israeli media. Instead, it was true. It was not a figment of the imagination of the Israeli media. It was real. It was unprecedented. Numerous eyewitnesses report that [the Mossad-led forces] acted in an organized way and threatened anyone who did not chant “Pahlavi will be back.” The IRI's [Islamic Republic of Iran’s] repressive apparatus was aware of this breach and used it as a “golden” opportunity to indiscriminately kill people. Shame on these religious fascists who have drenched their hands in the blood of the people, time and again. This time, it was to an extent without parallel in the history of contemporary Iran. Shame and hatred on that genocidal regime [Israel] and their Iranian servant, Reza Pahlavi.

    Bodies lie in body bags on the ground outside Kahrizak Forensic Medical Centre in Tehran, Iran, January 11, 2026.

     

    Bodies lie in body bags on the ground outside Kahrizak Forensic Medical Centre in Tehran, Iran, January 11, 2026.    Photo: Middle East Online

    But the slaughter of our people had other international partners as well. In this massacre, the security services of the Islamic Republic of Iran benefited from the obvious and unprecedented cooperation of the Russian and Chinese security services. These facts must be highlighted when preparing an indictment for the massacre of people during the January 2026 uprising by the armed forces of the IRI (including the Islamic Revolutionary Guards [IRGC], the Basij [its civilian militia], and its international branch, the Quds Force). The participation of Israel, China, and Russia in this massacre should be exposed and protested on a worldwide scale.

    With this introduction, we will discuss the suppression of the January 2026 uprising. What we know so far is this: thousands of people were killed across the country, more than 100,000 people were injured, people's neighborhoods were destroyed, the wounded were kidnapped from hospitals and killed, and medical centers were turned into centers of murder.

    After the June 2025 military attack on Iran by U.S. and Israeli forces, the Fars News Agency (which is close to the IRGC) wrote: “Why shouldn't we repeat the experience and the executions of 1988? Don't you think the time has now come to repeat that successful experience… which helped us to run the country for years without any problems and not have to deal with the problem of terrorism.... If we rid ourselves of our enemies in just the same way that we got rid our enemies in 1988, we can feel secure.”7

    This shows that the IRI had been preparing to commit this crime. The arrests and executions that followed [the June military attack], and the October 2025 “Enhanced Punishment for Espionage” law, promulgated by [Iran’s President Masoud] Pezeshkian, indicate that they were preparing to commit a major crime.

    The Doctrine and the Structure of Repression, in Generic Terms

    Now let's turn to the doctrine and structure of repression in the IRI. Everyone knows that in the IRI, the security and survival of this regime determine its policies. From the IRI's perspective, protest is an on-going feature of Iranian society, not an occasional occurrence. Therefore, they have adopted a model of continuous repression. The model of continuous repression is built into the identity of the IRI. This is the general characteristic of the IRI's security doctrine. However, it is specifically designed to suppress urban youth. Statistics on the victims of the January 2017 and November 2019 uprisings, the [2022] Mahsa “Jina” Amini uprising, and the January 2026 uprising, clearly demonstrate this reality.

    The model of repression in Iran is a hybrid of Chinese and Russian [imperialists] methods combined with local structures and practices. Of course, because the repressive apparatus of the IRI is heir to the organized repression apparatus of the [Mohammad Pahlavi] Shah's regime, it is not without the influence of certain Western [imperialists] methods of repression. But the hard core of the IRI’s current suppression doctrine is indebted to the Chinese and Russian methods of suppression.

    The IRI has adopted China’s so-called “Strike Hard” doctrine. “Strike Hard” is a structural policy to exert tight control over society. It operates on the basis of fear, speed and intensity of the action, and control over the narrative. The key principle of “Strike Hard” in relation to large protests is to stop the protesters by administering a severe shock. Implementation of “Strike Hard” includes mass executions and, in street operations, the use of military-grade weapons, indiscriminate and coordinated killings in multiple cities, attacks on hospitals, and mass arrests.

    The IRI's model of repression borrows from Russia its use of asymmetric violence, and shadow-operations, and terror-inducing tactics. Russia's pattern of repression in Africa (especially by the private Wagner forces controlled by the Russian government) is recognized as among the most violent and brutal models of “population control and political suppression.” Asymmetric violence reacts to any instance of “violence” or self-defense by the people with exponentially greater violence and terror-producing operations. [The late IRGC Commander] Qasem Soleimani8 both learned from the “Wagner model” and used it in his suppression of  the people of Syria.

    This model includes severe repression and mass killings, targeted shootings of civilians, “cleansing” operations in protest areas, the use of heavy weapons of war, disappearances, executions at close range, and the dissemination of fabricated narratives to justify the crackdown. The goal is: “deterrence through fear.”

    The IRI retained some of the methods of repression used by SAVAK [Shah’s secret police] and in 1979-1980, combined them with [Aytollah] Khomeini's idea of forming a “20-million-strong army,” which resulted in the creation of a vast network of Basij forces in the neighborhoods, schools, factories, and offices. It is a local, cheap, and decentralized security force network that enforces theocratic control throughout the country. The Basij has a huge budget, and is constantly recruiting from both cities and rural villages.

    Conclusion

    Our Party has always grappled with the issue of the IRI “model of survival,” and has grappled with how to develop a systematic method of confronting it, based on a precise knowledge of the repressive apparatus, its doctrine and methods of operation, and to transfer this understanding to the youth who step into the arena of struggle against the regime. In the face of repression, the question is always: what can we do to turn the repression used on us back against itself—and to mobilize the people to wage the struggle on an even larger scale. At its core, the answer to this question is political and ideological line. Attention to technical and tactical principles is subordinate to that. In this regard, the document titled “Accumulating Forces and Organizing for Revolution” (an excerpt from the documents of the 11th Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Iran, MLM) says:

    So far we have encountered great obstacles along our way, and will do so again. … On this path, we must maintain our strategic nerve. During storms, heavy blows, and setbacks, we must keep our heads above water, not lose our sense of direction, and not give in to “it cannot be done,” “we’ll be isolated,” and “why didn’t we take such and such a step earlier.”

    We can maintain this basic orientation, not through sheer willpower, but by using the scientific method of seeking to understand the problems and search for solutions. In other words, political struggle with a correct orientation is the decisive factor in confronting the repressive apparatus and transforming each act of repression into a broader and more enduring struggle against the IRI. Even now, in light of the repression of the January 2026 uprising, we must once again examine the structure of the power that we are going up against, and the factors that strengthen it or lend it resilience.

    Since the U.S.-Israeli military aggression in June 2025, the IRI has increasingly tied its fate to the intense rivalry between the Chinese and Russian imperialists and U.S. imperialism. In exchange for this loyalty, China and Russia helped rebuild the IRI's military and security apparatus. At the same time, in response to public unrest and uprisings, the IRI adopted the approach that “public dissatisfaction equals continuation of the 12-day war,” and began preparing for the massacre. The infiltration of Israel's proxy forces into the people's uprising gave the IRI an opportunity to declare war on the uprising of the unarmed people, and with the pretext of “we are at war, and the enemy has infiltrated,” was able to unite internal factions of the government and even to bring along a number of religious intellectuals, reformists, and national-religious figures.

    This analysis tells us that we must strongly oppose any policy that seeks to drag the popular uprisings into imperialist contention. When the many women and men fighters grasp the complexities of the political scene, and the character and objectives of the various forces involved in it, then they can prevent others from following the worthless orders of the fascist Trump, the Mossad security apparatus, and their hired broker, Reza Pahlavi. 

    The significance of having the theory and policies to confront repression is as significant as having a theory and policy to confront the regime's theocratic religiosity, its attempt to squash freedom, its mandatory hijab and its enforcement of national oppression, its reactionary regional wars, and so on.

    Now, a major and decisive battleground with the Islamic Republic of Iran is to turn the regime’s repression from a tool of its survival into a driving force for its overthrow. 

    Success in this difficult arena requires creating and strengthening a powerful movement with two simultaneous characteristics: it must have the ability to actively and effectively resist severe suffocation by the widely deployed domestic repression machine, and at the same time it must keep the tentacles of scavengers dependent on Israel and the U.S. away from the people and prevent the toxic polarization of “the enemy of my enemy is my friend.”

    Success in this struggle depends on thousands of young people—who rose up and put their lives on the line in these uprisings—developing a revolutionary method and approach. They must have a clear understanding of who are the friends and the enemies of the revolution. They should not only be against the IRI but they must also stand against U.S. imperialism and the imperialists of China and Russia who support the IRI—and support the struggle of people in those countries to overthrow their governments.

    The prerequisite for turning repression back against itself requires that a broader movement grasp these political lessons, and that they become widespread among the people. This political factor is crucial to further isolate the IRI both domestically and internationally. Without this revolutionary orientation, we will not succeed in creating the broadest popular alliance within the country, nor in gaining the support of the people around the world. This policy must be reflected in the people’s slogans. The slogan that must resonate and appear on doors and walls everywhere is: Down with the Islamic Republic of Iran—Long Live the New Socialist Republic in Iran.

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. “On December 28, the Iranian people launched a powerful uprising against their hated rulers—the theocratic fascists of the Islamic Republic (IRI). It quickly spread across the country to some 180 towns in all 31 of Iran’s provinces, involving many tens of thousands of Iranians, perhaps millions. To crush this tsunami of mass protests, the IRI unleashed a campaign of mass murder, arrests and terror across the country. Rivers of blood flow through the streets of Iran, in every city and region.” From “Iran’s Islamic Republic Slaughters Thousands of People Righteously Standing Up—Now Is Not the Time to Choose Between Oppressors,” revcom.us, January 19, 2026. [back]

    2. “In July 1988, the Islamic Republic of Iran agreed to bring an end to the brutal eight-year war with Iraq. Over the next two months, under orders of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khomeini, political prisoners around the country were secretly brought before a tribunal panel that would later become known as the Death Commission. They were not told what was happening and did not know that a ‘wrong’ answer concerning their faith or political affiliation would send them straight to the gallows. Thousands of men and women were condemned to death, many buried in mass graves in Khavaran Cemetery in the vicinity of Tehran.” From inside cover of Voices of a Massacre: Untold Stories of Life and Death in Iran, 1988 by Nasser Mohajer. [back]

    3. Qassem Soleimani was a top general in the IRGC and commander of the Quds Force responsible for IRGC foreign operations. The U.S. assassinated Soleimani in Baghdad, Iraq on January 3, 2020.  [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    From Atash/Fire #171, Journal of the Communist Party of Iran, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist

    44 Years after the Sarbedaran Uprising 

    The Challenges of Revolutionary War

    Editors’ note: The article below is posted in Farsi in Atash/Fire journal #171, the February 2026 issue at cpimlm.org. It represents the views of the CPI (MLM). It was translated to English by revcom.us volunteers. Translators added bracketed notations and footnotes.

    Sarbedaran fighters 1981-82.

     

    Sarbedaran fighters 1981-82.   

    The roar of anger accumulated during forty-seven years of suffering, oppression, poverty, and repression swept across Iran recently, and was soaked in blood by [Ayatollah] Khamenei’s orders.

    In an unequal and furious battle, countless people shouted for life and liberation up in the faces of the oppressors. The children of this country came to the streets for survival and for an honorable and decent life, pledging their passionate lives as collateral for this liberation. Today, on the occasion of the 44th anniversary of the Sarbedaran Uprising,9 with respect and pride, we honor the names and path forged by those who stood firm and did not surrender.

    Forty-four years ago, like today, the revolutionary overthrow of the Islamic Republic was an urgent, felt need for the majority of society in Iran. The Sarbedaran Uprising arose in response to this urgent need, but could not bring the revolution to fruition. Revolution is still on the agenda—a revolution that completely uproots the Islamic Republic regime, and builds a fundamentally different political, economic, and social order that meets the immediate and long-term interests of our oppressed and exploited people; a revolution that will get rid of these criminals and their entire economic, bureaucratic, and military apparatus; a revolution that, by relying on the wisdom, passion, power, and participation of all the people, will sweep away poverty and oppression; a revolution that will not allow the daily lives and the fruits of the labor of millions of people and the resources of this land to be monopolized and controlled by a minority of Islamic and non-Islamic mega-capitalists and their imperialist masters, while everything continues as before. No! We will not allow this.

    The uprising in the city of Amol on January 26, 1982 was the high point of the armed struggle to overthrow the Islamic Republic that was initiated by the Union of Iranian Communists in 1981. The book The Bird That Was Learning to Fly is a relatively comprehensive account of the Sarbedaran January uprising and provides a preliminary summary of that revolutionary battle. It should be read by every fighter. 

    Although that struggle failed to achieve its goal, its lessons still apply. The framework, purpose, and goal of commemorating the Sarbedaran Uprising and the discussion around it is always about the “revolution”—what a revolution is, what problem is it out to solve, and for whom? The vital importance of these questions concerns and connects the fate of the oppressed and exploited masses [in Iran], from Zahedan to Mahabad, to the countries of this region, from Pakistan to Yemen and Turkey, and the whole world, from the U.S. to China… and ultimately all of humanity. 

    These are questions that can only be answered with the scientific theory of this revolution, the new communism [developed by revolutionary leader Bob Avakian]. For this reason, the key to carrying out the revolution is to understand and apply this science. In fact, “how to lead the revolution” is built upon, and developed through, understanding and applying this science while carrying out the revolution. The main application of this theory is to identify obstacles to achieving this revolution, and to find ways to overcome them. 

    This method and approach works on varying levels of complexity. The “Manifesto and Program of the Communist Revolution in Iran,” the “Draft Constitution of the New Socialist Republic of Iran” and the “Strategy of the Path to the Iranian Revolution” lay out this understanding at a basic level, and the important policies of the struggle that must be developed at every juncture. 

    What must be done is clear to us: we must turn this theory and its specific application for the revolution in Iran into a powerful force and pave the way for this revolution to break through a multitude of intellectual, political, ideological and practical obstacles, including “security-military” obstacles and repression by the state. These are some key problems we must anticipate and challenges we need to deal with: 1) the regime’s fascist repression; 2) the bourgeois forces outside the government that the capitalist-imperialist powers are backing to become future “leaders” and “alternatives”; 3) outmoded ideas and anti-scientific ways of thinking among the people themselves in their millions, who should constitute the ranks of the revolution; 4) intellectuals, especially students, who are part of the petite bourgeois class, there are no significant sections or even a fraction of them that has yet been able to step outside of the intellectual framework produced by the [capitalist-imperialist] system itself; they must become able to stand up against the theories that have been fabricated to oppose communist revolution.

    To pave the way for a real revolution, these obstacles must be addressed and overcome. Thousands of people must be organized as strategic commanders of that revolution, must spread an understanding of this strategy for real revolution among millions of people so that each individual, with full understanding of the goal, purpose, and plan of the revolution, can contribute their share. 

    After the defeat of the Sarbedaran Uprising, many former fighters became disillusioned and confused and left the ranks of the revolution. A few years [before that uprising], revolutionary communists had to confront the fact that there had been a revisionist coup in China in 1976 and that capitalism had been restored. They were still struggling to understand the immensity of that defeat and its catastrophic consequences for communist revolutions in all parts of the world. In fact, the restoration of capitalism in China, which marked the end of the first wave of communist revolutions, was the decisive factor that triggered the tsunami of departures from the ranks of the communist revolution. The vast majority of revolutionaries were unable to scientifically confront the reality of the defeat and that it marked the end of the first wave of communist revolutions in the world, or understand its causes and consequences; or to consider the possibility and necessity of turning that experience—and even that defeat—into the basis for retaking the initiative against the existing order and beginning a new wave of communist revolutions. 

    Protesters block an intersection in Tehran, Iran, January 8, 2026.

     

    Protesters block an intersection in Tehran, Iran, January 8, 2026.    Photo: AP screengrab from video

    We are now at another historical juncture with, objectively, very important opportunities open to us. The greatest weapon we have today that we did not have back then is the new communism developed by Bob Avakian. Today, we few revolutionary communists, with the new communism in our hands—which is in fact the telescope and microscope of the revolution, focused and further developed—have the possibility to seize the great opportunities that the crisis in the entire world capitalist system provides for a real revolution, and with far fewer mistakes. We should attract an increasing number of people to this revolution, and the new people who join this revolution, regardless of their backgrounds, strengths and weaknesses, or what social strata they come from, are responsible for attracting more people to the revolution—especially from among the most impoverished strata of society—as initiators and frontline fighters of the revolution.

    There are no guarantees, no foreordained outcome to this struggle, but humanity, especially the billions of people who are oppressed and exploited—from Iran to the U.S., and in every corner of the world—need to overthrow this system. Given the underlying contradictions of this system, there is a very strong basis for overthrowing it. But if we do not have a vanguard, then there will be no force to act on this opportunity, and the result will be another historic disappointment, bringing despair and frustration.

    It is necessary to be a serious and disciplined revolutionary vanguard; to actively grapple with the “key questions” of the revolution—and on this basis and within this framework, to address the urgent issues confronting us: on the one hand, to work on a daily basis for the transformation of society in a revolutionary direction, and on the other hand, to devise a strategy so that we can connect today's activities to that strategy (both the political goal and the strategy for the violent overthrow of the ruling state). 

    Amidst the serious turmoil that is engulfing not only Iran and the Middle East but the world, we need to very quickly get to a point where this kind of culture is embraced by the many that feel the gravity of the situation and are eagerly seeking a real path for changing the world. The ranks of such a revolution must grow each and every day. 

    Today, getting deeply immersed in the new communism is an important part of preparing for revolution. In this context, Avakian emphasizes, 

    popularizing the strategy for revolution is a key part of carrying out that strategy. If we are supposedly carrying out a strategy yet we ourselves don't understand very well what it is—and don't talk about it with the masses—what kind of strategy is that and what is it really a strategy for? On the positive side, let me emphasize it again: popularizing the strategy for revolution—in the correct way, in a meaningful and living way—is a key part of carrying out that strategy. When we do popularize this strategy, and growing numbers of people engage with that strategy, then that itself becomes part of the objective terrain too. It influences how people think, particularly about the possibility of revolution and the strategic conception for making revolution. The more that people understand that work has been done on the problems of really making revolution, the more they engage with the strategic conception that is being developed for how to make revolution and how the work that's being carried out actually proceeds—which it must—in accordance with, and as a way of implementing, that strategic conception, the more this is going to come alive for them.10

    The message of the Sarbedarans is this: To end the one-sided war being waged by Islamic Republic, or any similar regime that may replace these fascists, the people need their own revolutionary army. The people will fight against their conditions of oppression and exploitation; they will sacrifice their lives, multiplying and spreading courage. The point is that all of this must find a political focal point, with a clear program and a strategy for realizing that program, so that we can turn repeated historic defeats into victories—the victories for the “New Socialist Republic [of Iran]”—because, this is the only alternative that can truly free our society from the grip of centuries of oppression and exploitation in both old and new forms, and inspire humanity in every corner of the world.

    Communist Party of Iran (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist)

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. Sarbedaran was the military organization led by the Union of Communists of Iran (UIC), the predecessor to today's Communist Party of Iran (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist). “On the nights of the 26th-28th of January, 1982 the city of Amol [in northern Iran] witnessed widespread bloody battle of the armed forces of Sarbedaran and their urban mass supporters against the military and police forces of the Islamic Republic regime. Organized and led by the UIC, this historic armed offensive was the last serious resistance by revolutionary forces against the counter-revolutionary coup of the regime.” From the journal A World to Win, 1984/85, “Defeated Armies Learn Well — Summation from the Union of Iranian Communists.” [back]

    2. Avakian, Building a Movement for Revolution, Part 2 of BIRDS CANNOT GIVE BIRTH TO CROCODILES, BUT HUMANITY CAN SOAR BEYOND THE HORIZON | revcom.us [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    American Crime Case #98: 1953 CIA Coup in Iran: Torture and Repression – Made in the U.S.A.

    Bob Avakian has written that one of three things that has “to happen in order for there to be real and lasting change for the better: People have to fully confront the actual history of this country and its role in the world up to today, and the terrible consequences of this.” 

    3 Things that have to happen in order for there to be real and lasting change for the better:

    1) People have to fully confront the actual history of this country and its role in the world up to today, and the terrible consequences of this.

    2) People have to dig seriously and scientifically into how this system of capitalism-imperialism actually works, and what this actually causes in the world.

    3) People have to look deeply into the solution to all this.

    Bob Avakian
    May 1st, 2016

    In that light, and in that spirit, “American Crime” is a regular feature of revcom.us. Each installment focuses on one of the 100 worst crimes committed by the U.S. rulers—out of countless bloody crimes they have carried out against people around the world, from the founding of the U.S. to the present day.

    See all the articles in this series.

    THE CRIME: On August 19, 1953, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) along with British intelligence launched a military coup overthrowing Iran’s popular, elected prime minister, Mohammad Mossadegh. In 1951, during an upsurge of protest against British colonialism, Mossadegh had nationalized Britain’s Anglo-Iranian Oil Company. Great Britain had plundered Iran’s oil wealth for decades.

    Britain moved to destabilize Mossadegh’s government, including by launching an international boycott of Iranian oil. The U.S. soon joined the coup plotting, conspiring with Iran’s Mohammad Reza Shah [King] Pahlavi and the military, and orchestrating an anti-Mossadegh propaganda campaign.

    1953-coup-iran-600.jpg
    1953-coup-iran-600.jpg

     

    In Tehran, Iran on August 19, 1953, mobs joined by the military took over streets chanting “Long live the Shah! Death to Mossadegh!” They ransacked pro-Mossadegh newspapers and attacked his supporters.

    On August 19, mobs joined by the military took over streets chanting “Long live the Shah! Death to Mossadegh!” They ransacked pro-Mossadegh newspapers and attacked his supporters. Street battles raged. By late afternoon, military units seized control of Mossadegh’s house, breaking the resistance. By evening, 300 lay dead, as General Fazlollah Zahedi rode to Radio Tehran atop a tank and broadcast that with the Shah’s blessing, he was the new prime minister.

    Iran’s nationalist upsurge was crushed. The Shah ruled as an iron-fisted U.S. puppet for 25 years. Speaking out risked arrest by SAVAK, his U.S.-trained secret police. Thousands were murdered, jailed or barbarically tortured—they even threatened to torture children in front of their parents. When millions rose against the Shah in 1978-79, he shot down thousands with U.S. backing before being ousted. The 1953 coup and what followed ended up helping pave the way for a new Iranian nightmare: the 1979 founding of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

    THE CRIMINALS: After covering up for 60 years, the CIA admitted in 2013:

    The military coup that overthrew Mosaddeq and his National Front cabinet was carried out under CIA direction as an act of US foreign policy, conceived and approved at the highest levels of government.

    In the U.S., that meant President Dwight Eisenhower on down through the State Department, the CIA, and the military. In Britain, Prime Minister Winston Churchill and on down.

    THE ALIBI: For decades, the U.S. and British rulers covered up and lied about having orchestrated the anti-Mossadegh coup, and their media cover story turned reality upside down. It portrayed this U.S.-led fascist military coup against a widely supported, elected leader as a popular “revolution” against a Hitler-like lunatic trying “to make himself unchallenged dictator of the country,” as the New York Times put it.

    In Their Own Words: “We helped bring about was the restoration of the Shah to power in Iran and the elimination of Mossadegh. The things we did were ‘covert.’ If knowledge of them became public, we would not only be embarrassed in that region, but our chances to do anything of like nature in the future would almost totally disappear ... we may really give a serious defeat to Russian intentions and plans in that area.”

    —U.S. President Dwight Eisenhower, private diary

    THE ACTUAL MOTIVE: A CIA memo spelled out U.S. goals: “to effect the fall of the Mosaddeq government; and to replace it with a pro-western government under the Shah’s leadership with [General] Zahedi as its prime minister.”

    The U.S. used the 1953 coup to muscle into Iran and replace Britain as top dominator. Mossadegh’s nationalization was reversed, and U.S. oil giants were cut in on the spoils, reaping enormous profits. The coup was a warning against similar moves to nationalize imperialist companies. And it embedded Iran as a key military outpost for the U.S. against regional liberation struggles and in its Cold War clash with the Soviet Union.

    REPEAT OFFENDERS: In 1979, the Shah was overthrown and replaced by the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI), a regime that, while reactionary, was viewed by the U.S. as an obstacle to its immediate interests. In the decades since, the U.S. has bullied, intervened, and threatened Iran. It fueled the bloody 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq war, which left a million dead or wounded, to weaken both. In 1988, as a warning to Iran to halt the war, the U.S. warship Vincennes “accidentally” shot down an Iranian civilian airliner, killing all 290 on board. Since then, the U.S. has imposed punishing sanctions and threatened war repeatedly, and it still seeks to dominate and control Iran.

    BAsics cover 600
    BAsics cover 600

    BAsics from the talks and writings of Bob Avakian   

    These imperialists make the Godfather look like Mary Poppins.

    —Bob Avakian, BAsics 1:7

  • ARTICLE:

    Celebrate 250 Years of America? NO! America Was NEVER “Great”
    We Need an Emancipating Revolution!

    Updated

    This year, the 250th anniversary of the founding of the United States, will see an ugly torrent of red-white-and-blue celebrations of America as a “great country”—spearheaded by Donald “Make America Great Again” Trump. This is a celebration of America now led by fascists. But the truth is that America was NEVER “great,” whoever was heading up the government. 

    As revolutionary leader Bob Avakian said, if people are stung by that truth about America, they need to look at reality:

    This “Republic” to which we are supposed to pledge allegiance was founded on slavery and genocidal robbery: keeping millions of Black people in chains for generations... killing off huge numbers of Native Americans and stealing their land... waging a war that ripped off half of Mexico, greatly expanding slavery.

    So, was this a great country all during that time—when millions of people were enslaved—owned by bloodsuckers who constantly whipped the slaves to make them work harder under horrific conditions, slave-owners who raped masses of enslaved women? Was this country great then?!

    Was it great when, for generations after slavery was formally ended, Black people as a whole were segregated, discriminated against, and continually terrorized, with repeated massacres of Black people and thousands of Black people lynched? Was it great when, all during that time, LGBT people were “illegal,” when women were legally treated as inferior to men—and men could legally rape their wives? Was it a great country then?!

    Or is it great, now, when people are everyday denied basic rights? When the police kill a thousand people every year, especially people of color, and in the 60 years since Civil Rights Acts were passed, segregation and discrimination has remained as bad, or worse, as it ever was, and thousands of Black people have been killed by police—even greater numbers than all those who were lynched during all the years of Ku Klux Klan terror after the Civil War!

    Has this country ever been great, when, right from the beginning and down to today, the whole thing has literally been built on the broken bodies, the blood and bones, of millions and now billions of people, worldwide—cruelly exploited, used and abused, by this system—with all this backed up by murder on a massive scale carried out by the police and the armed forces of this country?

    No, this country has never been great. It has always been a horror for masses of people. 

    (from social media message REVOLUTION #2: When has the U.S. been a “great country”?)

    It’s way past time for this system—capitalism-imperialism—that rules in this country, dominates the world and now has spawned fascist rule, to be thoroughly abolished, through an actual revolution.

    Below is Part 3 of a series that highlights aspects of how 250 years of America has been nothing but a horror for the masses of people, here and around the world. We call on our readers to send in your contributions to this series—articles, video, audio, artwork, social media posts. Email revolution.reports@yahoo.com or message @therevcoms via social media.

    See also: 

    Part 3: Emmett Till and Lynchings, Past and Present

    An excerpt from Revolution: Why It’s Necessary, Why It’s Possible, What It’s All About
    by Bob Avakian
    Tulsa_Race_Massacre-1921-600px.jpg
    Tulsa_Race_Massacre-1921-600px.jpg

     

    Black neighborhood of Greenwood burned down by white racist mobs during Tulsa Massacre, 1921.

    Read the transcript of this excerpt here

    THE CRIME

    On May 30, 1921, Dick Rowland, a 19-year-old Black shoe shiner working downtown, entered the elevator of the only building with a restroom Blacks could use in the area. Sarah Page, a white 17-year-old, was the elevator operator. When the door closed, Page cried out, and Rowland ran off. The most common explanation is that Rowland just stepped on Page’s foot. But Rowland was alleged—without evidence—to have assaulted Page. He was arrested the next morning and held in a jail cell above City Hall.

    That afternoon, the Tulsa Tribune ran the headline “Nab Negro for Attacking Girl in Elevator,” suggesting that Page had been raped, and editorialized: “To Lynch Negro Tonight.” Within an hour of the paper hitting the streets a lynch mob in the hundreds descended on the courthouse.

    Word spread throughout Greenwood that whites were storming the courthouse and Rowland was in danger. After debating how to respond, at 9 pm a group of 25 armed Black men, some veterans of World War 1, drove to the courthouse determined to stop the lynching. They got out with their rifles and shotguns, and offered their support to the local authorities. Their offer was refused, and they left.

    But the white mob was incensed, and grew into the thousands in no time as word spread, more and more coming with weapons. At 10 pm a group of 75 Black men returned to the courthouse after new rumors that a lynching was imminent. They marched single file to the courthouse steps. Again, their offer of help to protect Rowland was refused. A white man approached an armed Black army veteran and demanded he turn over his gun. A fight broke out, and a gun went off.

    Historian and author Scott Ellsworth wrote: “While the first shot fired at the court house may have been unintentional, those that followed were not. Almost immediately, members of the white mob—and possibly some law enforcement officers—opened fire on the African American men, who returned volleys of their own. The initial gunplay lasted only a few seconds, but when it was over, as many as a dozen men, both black and white, lay dead or wounded. Out numbered more than twenty-to-one, the black men began a retreating fight toward the African American district, with armed whites in close pursuit.”1

    “They tried to kill all the black folks they could see,” a survivor, George Monroe, recalled in the 1999 documentary The Night Tulsa Burned.

    Shortly after the fighting broke out at the courthouse, a large number of whites—many who’d been part of the lynch mob—gathered outside police headquarters nearby. There, as many as 500 white men and boys were sworn in as “Special Deputies” and told to “Get a gun and get a nigger.” Weapons were passed out by other deputies from a sporting goods store across the street. White rioters began firing on Blacks and setting fire to Black-owned homes and businesses late into the night.

    “Tuesday night, May 31, was the riot, and Wednesday morning, by day break, was the invasion.” (Unidentified observer to a reporter)

    As dawn approached, thousands of armed whites—some estimated as many as 10,000—gathered in three locations on the edges of Greenwood. A siren sounded at daybreak, and the mobs of white terrorists launched their invasion.

    These armed white mobs included over 150 Tulsa police. They set about systematically killing, looting, and burning the entire district of Greenwood, block by block. Armed whites broke into Black homes and businesses and forced the people outside, where they were led away at gunpoint to internment centers set up by the authorities. Anyone who resisted was shot. If guns were found inside, the occupant was shot. The homes and businesses were looted, then set on fire with torches and oil-soaked rags. House by house, block by block, Greenwood was demolished. Airplanes were used to shoot Black people from the air and drop kerosene bombs on buildings, setting them ablaze.

    Throughout this assault, Black Tulsans, while tremendously outnumbered, fought back. Riflemen took positions atop the belfry of a newly built church to temporarily halt the advance of the white invasion. But the church was burned to the ground. These attempts at resistance could not be maintained because the deputized police and the National Guard units arrested 6,000 Greenwood residents. Black Tulsans did not go down without a fight, but they were out-gunned and out-numbered. “Survivors recounted black bodies loaded on trains and dumped off bridges into the Arkansas River and, most frequently, tossed into mass graves.”2

    By noon on June 1, these white mobs had murdered more than 300 Black Tulsa residents. They had turned 40 square blocks of Greenwood into a scorched wasteland. This included 1,256 homes destroyed, along with virtually every other structure—including churches, schools, businesses, even a hospital and library. “Not one of these criminal acts was then or ever has been prosecuted or punished by government at any level, municipal, county, state, or federal.” (Tulsa Race Riot: A Report by the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921)

    After order was restored, the Black people who’d been detained were released, but only if signed for by a white person, who also had to agree to accept responsibility for that detainee’s subsequent behavior. More than 10,000 residents were left homeless. Thousands of Black Tulsans spent the winter living in tents. Many left for good, having had enough of Tulsa, Oklahoma.

    THE CRIMINALS

    The racist mobs of thousands of white Tulsans were directly responsible for the horror inflicted on the people of Greenwood.

    The Tulsa police chief and Tulsa deputies had a direct hand in arming, deputizing, and directing the mobs from the very start of the killing of Black Tulsans.

    The Tulsa city officials played a decisive role by refusing to take any action to stop the racial massacre. And shortly afterwards, these same officials passed a zoning ordinance that made it too expensive for the Greenwood residents to rebuild their homes.

    The local units of the National Guard, by arresting every Black resident of Tulsa they could find and taking them into “protective custody,” left Greenwood property unprotected and aided the “special deputies” who came to burn it. The after-action reports by the local guardsmen show they saw their job not as protecting the people of Greenwood, but putting down the supposed “Negro uprising.”

    The Oklahoma State Troopers did not arrive from Oklahoma City until the annihilation of Greenwood was over; arriving earlier could have prevented some of the worst crimes from taking place.

    The governor of Oklahoma, from the very start, treated the events in Tulsa as a Black “insurrection.”

    The extent of the Ku Klux Klan’s involvement and possible lead role in this heinous act of terror hasn’t been proved, but “Tulsa’s atmosphere reeked with a Klan-like stench that oozed through the robes of the Hooded Order.” (Tulsa Race Riot report.) At that time many of the city’s most prominent men were Klansmen, including the lawyer assigned to represent Dick Rowland. Photographs of the Tulsa massacre were made into postcards, including a close-up of a charred Black body; and another of the Greenwood District in ruins.

    THE ALIBI

    The blame for the Tulsa Massacre was, from the very start, fully put on Greenwood’s Black residents—calling it a “Negro Uprising,” or “Insurrection.” A grand jury investigation organized by Oklahoma’s governor in the days after the massacre concluded:

    We find that the recent race riot was the direct result of an effort on the part of a certain group of colored men who appeared at the court house on the night of May 31, 1921, for the purpose of protecting one Dick Rowland ...There was no mob spirit among the whites, no talk of lynching and no arms. The assembly was quiet until the arrival of armed Negroes, which precipitated and was the direct cause of the entire affair.

    THE REAL MOTIVE

    The economic success of the people of Black Tulsa—including home, business, and land ownership—fueled resentment, fear, and jealousy within the white community. Many of Greenwood’s Black residents were living more successful lives than white Tulsans. In a community, and a country, where white supremacy was taken for granted—and counted on—the success of the people of Greenwood was seen as a provocation.

    The Tulsa Massacre, and the 1919 “Red Summer” of anti-Black violence that preceded it (see American Crime Case #15), took place at a time when the U.S. rulers needed to maintain the brutal oppression of Black people and white supremacy under changing conditions. The beginning of the Great Migration saw Black people leaving the rural South to find work in the cities of the North. Among them were Black veterans of World War 1, returning with a defiant spirit and less willingness to put up with open Jim Crow degradation and terror. Those in power faced the “need” for Black people to be beaten into submission through terror, their defiant spirit suppressed, and white people (including oppressed white people) enlisted to serve and identify with the exploitative, white supremacist order.

    Resources:

     


    1. “The Tulsa Race Riot,” by Dr. Scott Ellsworth, an essay in Tulsa Race Riot: A Report by the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921.  [back]

    2. Washington Post, September 18, 2018.  [back]

    BAsics-1-1-554-en.jpg

     

    American Crime Ad for whole series with image of U.S. airstrike in Gaza.

     

  • ARTICLE:

    From RefuseFascism.org:

    One Year of Trump 2.0
    A Year of Lawless Murder and Boundless Terror

    The Trump Fascist Regime Must Go Now

    Revcom.us editors’ note: We are reposting this statement received from RefuseFascism.org.

    The Trump regime rode into 2026 on a rampage. From Venezuela to the streets of Minneapolis, the regime murders with impunity and demonizes whole peoples and countries without any pretense of the rule of law.

    On January 7, an ICE agent murdered Renee Good in cold blood for daring to stand up for her immigrant neighbors. On January 24, CBP agents beat Alex Pretti to the ground and executed him. These are Trump’s Gestapo thugs—unleashed in Minneapolis on a campaign of terror and vengeance. The regime has responded not with accountability, but with lies, justifying murder through the twisted logic that anyone who resists deserves to be shot down.

    This is fascism, a different form of brutal rule to enforce white supremacist, patriarchal, and xenophobic oppression and violence. As long as this regime remains in power, this terror will not only continue—it will accelerate. The events of this month—from illegally bombing Venezuela and kidnapping the leader of a sovereign nation to murdering civilians in the streets—have brought this home in blood and should dispel any complacency.

    This regime will not be bound by any laws or measures of decency that stop them from advancing their aims. They have:

    • begun genocidal ethnic cleansing of non-white immigrants, rounded up and sent to concentration camps by lawless masked men;
    • unleashed war and terror abroad, while moving aggressively to crush dissent at home;
    • branded anti-fascist protesters and political opponents as “domestic terrorists,” laying the groundwork for mass repression.

    SHREDDING ANY RULE OF U.S. OR INTERNATIONAL LAW, and getting away with it over and over, is paving the way for horrors that surpass those of the Nazi regime. There is no living with this.

    San Francisco Refuse Fascism contingent, January 11, 2026

     

    San Francisco, January 11, 2026    IG: nate_love

    The protests in Minneapolis and across this country have been righteous and inspiring. They must continue—and they must grow. And we must join our righteous fury in the streets with the only demand that truly measures up to the threat this regime poses to all of humanity:

    Trump Must Go Now!

    No community is safe while the fascist Trump regime controls federal agencies and consolidates power. There is no restraining or abolishing ICE when Trump’s attacks on immigrants are the battering ram and linchpin of his fascist program. To stop ICE terror—and every outrage of the last year—the whole regime must be stopped.

    Nothing but massive nonviolent struggle by you, and millions of others like you, can do that. By walking out. By shutting down. By millions rising in massive, unrelenting, nonviolent protest and resistance. By coming back stronger in the face of attack and repression. By uniting, not dividing, across many viewpoints and backgrounds.

    We must not wait for future and rigged elections.

    The power of the people must drive the Trump Fascist Regime out of power now—before it is too late.

    ICE Must Go
    The Whole Trump Fascist Regime Must Go Now
    In the Name of Humanity, We Refuse to Accept a Fascist America

  • ARTICLE:

    In These Historic Times
    Donate to Maintain a Robust Revcom.us!

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    Daily, the truth of these words from Bob Avakian (BA) stand out more sharply:

    We, the people of the world, can no longer afford to allow these imperialists to continue to dominate the world and determine the destiny of humanity. They need to be overthrown as quickly as possible. And it is a scientific fact that we do not have to live this way.

    As we embark on a year that will be full of new demands and much struggle in the fight for a radically different and far better world, revcom.us is launching a drive to raise $20,000 to continue to maintain a robust Revolution website. 

    As the Trump regime accelerates its brutal moves to consolidate fascism in the U.S., with all the horrors on top of horrors that will bring to people here and the world over, this website is more crucial than ever. Revcom.us must play a key role in leading the revolutionary way out of this madness to a whole different world.

    It is at revcom.us that people here and in over 150 countries worldwide can access the full range of work (in English and Spanish) that BA has done over decades in bringing forward the new communism. Bob Avakian has scientifically analyzed that we are in a critical historical juncture—a rare time when an actual revolution has become more possible in this country. And through his interviews, writings and social media messages @BobAvakianOfficial, he charts the road forward to both the need and possibility of making revolution, speaking to the burning questions of the hour. 

    BA has been sounding the alarm about the rise of fascism for 30 years, and his analysis of its roots in the system of capitalism-imperialism is essential to understand not only what we face, but how this regime can be driven from power. This is concentrated in the compilation available at revcom.us—Bob Avakian’s Work on Fascism: 1996-2025.

    BA is the author of the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, which contains the sweeping vision and concrete blueprint for a socialist society that is in transition to a communist world—a world in which humanity will be emancipated from all forms and relations of exploitation and oppression, and from the ignorance and selfishness required and perpetuated by systems based on exploitation. Revcom.us is where people can read this Constitution and dig into what it says—like in the current series on how the new socialist state would deal with relations with other countries in a way that is totally different from what U.S. imperialism does around the world, and even from the way previous socialist states have handled this question.

    This new socialist system can only be brought about through an actual revolution involving millions in which the old machinery of exploitation, domination and oppression is not reformed but abolished. Revcom.us makes available to people the strategy that BA has forged for how to make this revolution, in this most powerful and destructive empire in history. 

    Revcom.us is where people go each week for urgently needed, scientific, internationalist exposure and analysis of world events—from the uprising in Iran, to the fascist MAGA moves across the Western Hemisphere and other parts of the world… attacks on women and trans people… persecution and brutalization of immigrants and Black people… existential threats to humanity from climate change caused by this system and war, possibly nuclear war, between imperialists… and much more. In this moment, revcom.us reports on the fascist moves Trump is making, exposing the roots of this fascism in the history of this country and in the capitalist-imperialist system.

    It is at revcom.us that people can learn about and connect with the REVCOM CORPS For The Emancipation Of Humanity. It’s where people can join with others in the movement for revolution and get the guidance and find the ways to contribute to and work together, in a unified way to not only wage the struggle to drive out the Trump regime, but as a part of preparing the ground and the people for the revolution that is so urgently needed.  

    Revcom.us is a lifeline for people agonizing about what is happening in the U.S. and world and seeking solutions—giving people a scientific understanding of what is happening, why it is happening, what is in the interests of humanity, and how to emancipate humanity through revolution. It must be accessible to all, and maintained and expanded. The $20,000 needed must be raised by the end of February. 

    Be part of supporting and building a community around revcom.us. DONATE GENEROUSLY.

    An Update on the Revcom.us Fund Drive: 
    The Dynamic Factor of C. Clark Kissinger’s Article

    The 2026 fund drive to sustain and expand the reach of revcom.us has begun. Meeting the initial match of $2,000 collectively contributed by volunteers on the staff has propelled this drive forward. We still have $11,369 to raise by the end of February, but the donations made so far really matter to being able to maximize this website’s role in fighting for revolution and a new society.

    In reaching out to donors, we want to share how important the recent piece by C. Clark Kissinger on the occasion of his 85th birthday—“85 Down, I Still Have 15 to Go… but Trump Has to Go Now!”—has been in connecting with new readers as well as longtime supporters and readers of revcom.us.

    A number of people who contributed to the drive have spoken to the impact that Clark’s article had on compelling them to donate. Just a few of these comments:

    “Wow! Wow! Wow!”

    “This was quite impressive… that this person is projecting this kind of revolutionary spirit and burning at this age and looking forward to more. This new synthesis [of communism developed by Bob Avakian, including] how freedom can be wrenched from necessity—it’s like opening the door to something that one might have previously thought not possible.”

    “The whole piece resonates but it was helpful to see it put together like that and something important to reflect on especially the breakthroughs brought forward by BA. For me, especially the understanding of internationalism. ... Part 3 in [Clark’s] piece on the new communism gives people a ‘sense of real hope in these extremely dark times.’”

    Contributing to maintaining and expanding the coverage and reach of revcom.us is crucial at this historic juncture—a rare time when revolution has become more possible in this country. Key in this is the role of revcom.us in projecting Avakian's leadership and the new communism he has forged. As Clark says in his article: “Today, with the defeat of the great revolutions of the 20th century, the globalization of capitalist production, the existential climate threat to the planet, and the world-wide spread of fascist movements, the old tools of bourgeois liberalism, social-democratic labor movements, and even the best of past communist thought, have been shown to be utterly inadequate to the challenges facing humanity. It is at this point that Bob Avakian has stepped forward to address what has to be done, but with a qualitatively transformed and more scientific, evidence-based method and approach. Avakian has given humanity the tools for its next great leap.”

    Now is the time to donate to revcom.us!

    The $2,000 match challenge from the staff of revcom.us has been met! Thanks to all who have donated so far.

    Warm revolutionary greetings to all.

    We who volunteer our time and resources as staff for this website put up $2K challenge that has been met! This is toward the fundraising goal of $20,000 by March 1.

    As this fund drive is being launched, we are watching the emergence of the courage of thousands, compelled to stand up in the face of real danger, focused in Minneapolis right now with the possibility to draw in many, many others, in response to fascist outrages most thought "couldn't happen here". We are watching as the anger, hopes, and dreams of the masses of people in Iran has once again burst onto the stage. Many people are beginning to see in stark relief the inhumanity and brutality of those in power, especially the fascist Trump regime, in contrast to the humanity and, as one woman in Minneapolis said, the love, empathy, and courage of those standing up to these things.

    At the same time, it stands out sharply how so few understand that the source of the nightmares humanity confronts, including the Trump fascist regime, is the system of capitalism-imperialism, and that this is profoundly UNnecessary. Revolution could bring into being a whole new way to live, a fundamentally different system. The fact that so few know of this is a problem to solve, quickly. People need the new communism that Bob Avakian has brought forward, and the leadership he's providing, in this rare time when revolution is more possible.

    Revcom.us is where people can get timely scientific analysis of the system that rules in this country and dominates the world... why this system can't be reformed but must be abolished through an actual revolution... what a radically new society will look like after a revolution... and how to actively work now for this revolution in the face of intensifying dangers and horrors. If you don't know deeply what this website is about, it's all here for the taking.

    So we, the revcom.us staff, challenge you: Donate toward the $20,000 goal to maintain and expand this website and its reach. Donate to support this crucial mission.

    Bob Avakian's Work on Fascism: 1996-2025

     

  • ARTICLE:

    Urgent Warning: People Need to Know About and Come Together to Defeat the Fascist Repression Ahead

    Cops push protesters at ICE detention center Broadview, Illinois, November 1, 2025.

     

    Protest at ICE detention center, Broadview, Illinois, November 1, 2025.    Photo: Paul Goyette

    We are in the midst of a major fascist leap in the suppression of protest and dissent—but most people don't even know about this. Revcom.us has been reporting on the extreme repressive moves which are otherwise getting very little attention—in the mainstream media or among anti-fascist writers. And this urgently has to change.

    This week, we are pulling together a number of these articles and encouraging readers to spread these widely. Grapple together about what is required to combat these fascist repressive moves as part of defeating Trump/MAGA fascism and as part of building up the forces for revolution to bring a radically different, and far better system into being. How do we sound the alarm throughout society? How do we raise standards among the decent people who oppose this fascism? How do we build a movement that has each other's backs?

    In a December 15 article on a memo from the fascist Department of Justice, we wrote:

    This memo almost certainly foreshadows a major leap in repression. This can neither be brushed off and treated as empty threats, nor can we allow ourselves and all the decent people opposed to this fascism to be preemptively scared into submission. Such moves—if people are mobilized to understand the threat they pose—could politically backfire on the fascists.

    But that only happens if consciousness is raised about the real danger of these moves and if standards are adopted in the movement against Trump that “an injury to one is an injury to all,” with individuals and organizations standing with anyone under attack.

    In addition to articles from revcom.us, we want to highlight a few other voices sounding the alarm from different perspectives:

    Pam Bondi’s Ominous New Memo: “Operationalizing” Trump’s All-Out Fascist Vision, revcom.us, December 15, 2025. 

    An overall analysis and dissection of the Justice Department memo issued by Attorney General Pam Bondi, its implications, and what to do in the face of it.

    ***

    Regime Launches “All-of-Government Effort to Dismantle” All Opposition to Fascism, revcom.us, October 20, 2025. 

    An overall analysis and dissection of two September executive orders from Trump—one designating “antifa” as a “Domestic Terror Organization,” the other calling for an all-out campaign against political dissent and opposition using the pretext of “domestic terrorism.” 

    ***

    “Don’t Talk”—A Fundamental Principle for Resisting Repression and Defending the Rights of the People, revcom.us, February 10, 2025. 

    Essential reading that prepares people to understand and deal with encounters with FBI and other “investigators” being unleashed by the Bondi memo.

    ***

    How Can The President Go After Citizens, Senator Elissa Slotkin, December 17, 2025.

    A short YouTube talk on how and why the Bondi Memorandum is another major step in repression.

    ***

    The Bondi Memo’s Quiet Rewriting of Domestic Terrorism Rules, by Thomas E. Brzozowski, Lawfaremedia.org, December 12, 2025.

    Brzozowski writes, "If you were not already on high alert, you should be now." Brzozowski is a former Counsel for Domestic Terrorism in the Counterterrorism Section of the U.S. Department of Justice. 

    ***

    U.S. Military Willing to Attack “Designated Terrorist Organizations” Within America, General Says, Nick Turse, The Intercept, December 16, 2025.

    Head of the U.S. Northern Command testifies in a Senate hearing that if he was ordered lawfully to deploy troops in cities against “designated terrorist organizations,” he would “execute the order.”

    ***

    FBI Making List of American “Extremists,” Leaked Memo Reveals, Ken Klippenstein, December 6, 2025.

    Klippenstein was the first to report on the Bondi memo. 

    ***

    Bob Avakian Official Revolution 135

     

    Read | listen to this message from Bob Avakian.   

  • ARTICLE:

    In the 1960s, the Government Spread Lies to Foment Violent Conflict Within the Movement

    The Lessons of That Time Need to Be Learned Anew Today

    Updated

    Did you know that from 1956 to 1971 the FBI conducted a program designed to foment conflict within revolutionary movements, as well as broader movements for reform—conflicts which not only crippled these movements, but served as a cover to carry out frame-ups and even outright murder of revolutionary fighters and activists?

    Did you know that they sent undercover people into these movements specifically to create or magnify conflicts? Did you know that they relied on unsubstantiated gossip and often inventions, as well as forged documents as part of their arsenal?

    Did you know that they took statements out of context to distort the real views of activists and revolutionary fighters and use these as pretexts for smear campaigns and attempted prosecutions?

    All this came to light in 1971, when some brave and heroic people appropriated the files revealing this program in a nighttime operation to go into an FBI office and bring these criminal activities by the government to light. As a result, many people in the movements of the time and even beyond, in broader society, adopted different standards for settling inevitable conflicts over politics and ideology in a principled way, and preventing the police, FBI and other government agencies from spreading slanders, fomenting conflicts and endangering the lives of people active in the struggle for justice.

    Muhammed Kenyatta waves stolen FBI documents, 1971.

     

    Muhammed Kenyatta waves stolen FBI documents, 1971.    Photo: AP

    Now, decades later, a new generation is way too unaware either of the FBI activities or the protocols widely adopted. We saw the results of this in 2022, with the vicious and very dangerous slander campaign that was launched against Rise Up 4 Abortion Rights, the revcoms, Bob Avakian and Sunsara Taylor. And now, in light of the heightened repression from Trump fascism and the low standards that exist among people broadly, we are reissuing this article.

    We urge people to read and spread the article below, and to insist on principled discussion and debate over disagreements and to oppose any dangerous campaigns of lies, disinformation and distortion.

    ~~~~~~~~~~~

    COINTELPRO was launched by the FBI in secret in 1956 in the context of the rising civil rights movement, and operations were later “signed on” to by the Kennedy administration. Its reach was broad and vicious. The FBI, working in sync with local police “Red Squads” (political police) wrote leaflets fomenting conflicts between different groups. They sent anonymous letters warning parents and school administrators of what their children and students were supposedly doing. They conducted police surveillance and repression against antiwar coffee houses opening near military bases. And those the FBI identified as leaders, in particular, were marked for “neutralization” by the FBI, a euphemism for being framed up on serious criminal charges or killed.

    One of the earliest, ugliest and most grievous FBI operations was against Malcolm X. We recently covered this, and we are including it here as a companion to this article.

    Going After Martin Luther King Through Personal Slander and Harassment

    One element in COINTELPRO attacks on the civil rights movement was the dissemination by the FBI of allegations about Martin Luther King’s sex life that had nothing to do with the struggle for civil rights, or debates within that movement or in society as a whole. The FBI bugged King’s bedroom(!) and then, directly or posing as “concerned individuals” sent supposed taped “evidence” to media outlets and others, including colleges where King was invited to speak, demanding he be disinvited. They even sent such a tape to his wife, Coretta Scott King, in the hope of causing anguish and breaking up the marriage.

    The FBI also circulated allegations that King’s movement had organizational and financial connections to communists, playing on anti-communist prejudices, to push (and provide an excuse for) white liberals and what the FBI identified as “the responsible Negro community” to stay away from the civil rights movement at a time when civil rights activists were being brutally attacked and murdered by police and the KKK, and as a cover for massive surveillance of the civil rights movement. Whether or not the authorities were directly involved in King’s murder in Memphis in 1968 as his family and close associates have insisted, the COINTELPRO operation created conditions that facilitated his assassination and was continued for a year after his death.

    WIKI-Mlk-suicide-letter-400.jpg

     

    Going After the Panthers: Fomenting Conflicts to Murder Leadership

    A major objective and focus of COINTELPRO was isolating and setting up the most revolutionary forces at the time, especially the Black Panther Party (BPP), for attack. FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, in a secret memo, wrote to offices calling for “imaginative and hard-hitting counterintelligence measures aimed at crippling the BPP.” (Emphasis added.)

    As they did with Malcolm X (see the accompanying article), the FBI often focused on setting up others to do the actual dirty work. To take one notorious example, the FBI forged a letter, supposedly from someone in the community, to Jeff Fort, the leader of the Blackstone Rangers, a Chicago gang at the time, claiming that the Black Panther Party was getting ready to move on him. In this case, in the climate of the times when there was both a broad culture of being alert to moves by the authorities to forge accusations to set people up, and when there was broad respect for the Panthers and the revolution, Fort decided the threatening letter was not credible. This letter was part of a larger COINTELPRO operation that set into motion events that led to the assassination of Panther leader Fred Hampton by Chicago police and the FBI in 1969.

    FredHamptonKilledHirez_AP691204082-400.jpg

     

    Chicago police with Fred Hampton's body.    Photo: AP

    In another COINTELPRO operation, the LA office of the FBI came up with a plan to forge a letter claiming the US Organization (United Slaves), which had been attacking the Panthers, believed that the BPP had a contract out to kill their leader. The LA FBI office wrote that the objective was for “this counterintelligence measure [to] result in an ‘US’ and BPP vendetta.” The operation was part of what led to the terrible murder of Black Panther leaders John Huggins and Alprentice “Bunchy” Carter by US members in Los Angeles.

    Black Panthers, Bunchy Carter and John Huggins

     

    Bunchy Carter and John Huggins, Black Panther leaders, murdered in 1969.   

    Again, there were real issues to resolve, questions to investigate, and debates to struggle out among those struggling for a different and better world in different ways, coming from different outlooks at the time, as now. The pattern and practice of COINTELPRO was to exploit these contradictions to twist them into vicious, destructive personal attacks, with an aim of disintegrating the movements for social change and an edge of isolating and setting up the most radical and revolutionary forces and leaders for what COINTELPRO documents euphemistically referred to as “neutralization.”

    Conclusion: don’t fall for—and don’t tolerate—the kinds of behavior that mimic what the FBI has used to destroy social movements. Call it out.

    FBI surveillance files on Bob Avakian.

     

    FBI surveillance files on Bob Avakian.   

    Identifying and Going After Bob Avakian Early On

    In his memoir, From Ike to Mao and Beyond, Bob Avakian (BA), who emerged as a revolutionary in the 1960s and today is leading the movement for revolution, talks about how he was a target for surveillance. At a demonstration, he was approached by the head of the Berkeley police “red squad” and told that he and the Revolutionary Union (the RU, which BA played a central role in founding) were under surveillance.

    BA has written about being in Chicago for the New Politics Convention and going back to his car and finding a guy who was “obviously from the Chicago red squad or the FBI” in a car behind his car “writing things down.” A Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) discovery revealed that the House of Representatives did a “whole report and investigation on the RU.” Another FOIA inquiry also showed that BA was under surveillance in Maywood, a suburb of Chicago, and that the FBI had made a diagram of the inside of his house, “indicating through which windows someone could see different things going on inside the house.” This was a similar type of diagram to that used by the FBI and the Chicago cops that enabled them to assassinate Fred Hampton, leader of the Chicago Black Panther Party.

    memoir-front.jpg

     

    Resources:

    The book The COINTELPRO Papers, by Ward Churchill and Jim Vander Wall contains a vast collection of original FBI memos and reports including documentation for the incidents described in this article. It is available as an online PDF.

    This article draws on installments of the American Crime series at revcoms.us: American Crime Case #41: COINTELPRO—The FBI Targets the New Left, 1964-1971 and American Crime Case #42: COINTELPRO—The FBI Targets the Black Freedom Struggle, 1956-1971.

    An important letter drawing lessons for today from the COINTELPRO operation against Malcolm X: A Reflection on Piggery—Then and Now.

  • ARTICLE:

    “Don’t Talk”—A Fundamental Principle for Resisting Repression and Defending the Rights of the People 

    Trump/MAGA fascism is being aggressively imposed on this society in many horrifying ways, instilling fear and a pull towards cooperation with government authorities. One of the ways people are being confronted with this is in situations where people are stopped as they go about their daily business at school, work, or shopping for food and necessities. Right now, that is a living reality for people who are being targeted as “illegal” immigrants, based on how they look or talk. But there are other situations that can be equally frightening: like when someone is arrested at or in connection with a political protest, or when someone is being questioned by police when they don’t have any idea what it is about. In all cases, people need to know what is the best way to respond to prevent these government agencies from doing great harm

    In the popular culture in movies and TV shows, to the ever-present law-and-order shows of one kind or another, and even the news, all trumpet the same theme: if the police want to talk to you, you are already assumed to be guilty—of something. To exercise one's legal rights is viewed as further evidence of guilt; even the most basic right—getting a lawyer to defend oneself from the legal and illegal onslaught of cops, prosecutors and judges—is depicted with a sneer as "lawyering up," as though this shows you must be guilty or have something to hide. 

    Miranda Rights, four points.

     

    Sometimes you hear the police reading what’s called the Miranda warning (see box) to a person they are intending to interrogate, stating that you have the right to remain silent and the right to a lawyer. But then everything proceeds as though the person being questioned is showing their guilt by refusing to answer questions and getting a lawyer to represent them.

    But in real-life situations, the best advice lawyers give anyone who is being arrested, questioned or contacted in any way by the police is: DON’T TALK. 

    It is important for people to know what rights they DO have when agents of repression come sniffing around. And it is especially important to insist on those rights even as they are increasingly coming under attack. 

    Bob Avakian has spoken to this point in his social media message @BobAvakianOfficial REVOLUTION #106:

    As we revcoms (revolutionary communists) have made clear in the Declaration WE NEED AND WE DEMAND: A WHOLE NEW WAY TO LIVE, A FUNDAMENTALLY DIFFERENT SYSTEM: “So long as we are still living under the rule of this system of capitalism-imperialism, we will defend people against attacks on their lives and on the rights that are supposed to be guaranteed under the U.S. Constitution.”

    So, what rights based on the U.S. Constitution are supposed to apply whether during an arrest or in any contact with police or government agencies? How should people defend their rights individually and collectively, and what kind of culture is needed to resist the government forces of repression?

    The Right to Remain Silent—Don't Talk

    When facing agents of government repression (here we are talking about the local police and prosecutors, state or federal law enforcement or various government agencies), the principle of "Don't Talk" is an important legal principle overall, and it is crucial in fighting to protect the various movements of resistance and of revolution from government repression. This principle is stressed very strongly by criminal defense lawyers and civil rights organizations—you have a RIGHT to remain silent.

    Many legal rights organizations, such as the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and National Lawyers Guild (NLG), have published materials to inform people of their rights. The most important thing they all advise is to assert your right to NOT answer questions. 

    For example, the following is from a brochure published by the ACLU of Southern California

    WHAT TO DO IF YOU’RE STOPPED BY POLICE, IMMIGRATION AGENTS OR THE FBI:
    YOUR RIGHTS 

    • You have the right to remain silent. If you wish to exercise that right, say so out loud.
    • You have the right to refuse to consent to a search of yourself, your car or your home.
    • If you are not under arrest, you have the right to calmly leave.
    • You have the right to a lawyer if you are arrested. Ask for one immediately.
    • Regardless of your immigration or citizenship status, you have constitutional rights.

    And the National Lawyers Guild advises what to do if an FBI agent or police officer knocks at the door:

    Do not open the door. State that you are going to remain silent. Do not answer any questions, or even give your name. Anything you say, no matter how seemingly harmless or insignificant, can be used against you or others. Ask the agents to slide their business cards under the door and tell them that your lawyer will contact them. If the agent or officer gives a reason for contacting you, take notes and give the information to your lawyer.9 

    What Harm Can Talking Do?

    There are many myths and lies promoted in the dominant culture and by the police themselves which leave people confused and feeling they have no choice but to cooperate. This is absolutely wrong and dangerous to any movements of resistance from among the people. 

    Myth #1—Cooperating will make the authorities go away.

    In fact, it often does just the opposite. After all, if they size someone up as a "talker" or weak link, they'll milk this person for all the information they can get. They may return with more questions or continue this line of questioning with others.

    Myth #2—Talking will prevent being arrested.

    The authorities promote the illusion that a person should try to "save their own hide" by cooperating and talking. In reality, as the ACLU and NLG underscore, in many circumstances talking may increase the chances of a person being busted, and may be sealing the case against himself/herself as well as others.

    Myth #3—As long as the information provided is harmless, there's nothing wrong with talking.

    When people don't know their rights and talk freely to the authorities, this can do great harm—no matter what information they provide.

    First of all, because the person doesn't know the full agenda of the authorities, he/she has no basis to evaluate whether or not information is "harmless." Even if the authorities claim to be investigating something that has nothing to do with your politics or political activities (or those of others), appearances can be deceiving. The authorities can and will twist any information to their advantage.

    Secondly, the act of talking encourages the authorities to pursue this tactic and go after others.

    Finally, and most importantly, talking fuels the government's efforts to eliminate any movements of opposition and dissent, while standing firm and not talking as a matter of principle contributes to building a culture of resistance and defiance.

    Myth #4—If I don't cooperate, won't it look like I have something to hide?

    According to the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR),

    This is one of the most frequently asked questions. The answer involves the nature of political "intelligence" investigations and the job of the FBI. Agents will try to make you feel that it will "look bad" if you don't cooperate with them. Many people not familiar with how the FBI operates worry about being uncooperative…. (T)hey [the FBI] are intent on learning about the habits, opinions, and affiliations of people not suspected of wrongdoing....

    They will do anything to get a person to talk: from good cop/bad cop approaches (aimed at getting the person to "open up" to the more sympathetic cop) to threats and outright brutality. They also use "mind games" such as saying that others have already informed on a person; or even going so far as falsely telling someone a family member has died in order to get the person to let down his/her guard and reveal information about themselves or others.

    Any information that a person provides—no matter how seemingly insignificant—can be twisted and used against that person themselves, or against people and organizations who expose and oppose the crimes of this system. The government has a long history of lying about the facts and fabricating "evidence" in order to frame movement activists and revolutionaries. They take intelligence gathered from a variety of sources and use it in the most sinister ways, even including murder. Consequently, there is no reason to be in the least defensive about not talking to or cooperating with authorities.

    If a person thinks that he/she can just "bullshit" an agent, this too is a trap. The investigators are trained to be "friendly" and listen to people's stories. To quote a textbook on interrogation techniques, "Letting the subject tell a few lies, and letting him apparently get away with them, is an excellent technique, and works well with many types of subjects. We have seen that lying on the part of the subject works to the advantage of the interrogator...." The NLG has pointed out:

    Keep in mind that although they are allowed to lie to you, lying to a government agent is a crime. Remaining silent is not. The safest things to say are "I am going to remain silent," "I want to speak to my lawyer," and " do not consent to a search." [emphasis added]10

    Conclusion

    As spoken to throughout this article, as part of trying to beat down movements of resistance and of revolution, agents of the government (police, FBI, prosecutors, etc.) have developed methods to trick, intimidate and brutalize people into giving up legal rights and protections established by the legal system in this country. This basic dynamic and truth needs to be clearly understood, and if various organizations and movements are serious about the challenges they face, they need to grapple with how—mainly by relying on mass movements of the people—to resist such repression.

    History has shown that when the decent people refuse to concede the moral authority on what is right and what is wrong, they are better able to withstand repression and continue to develop resistance. If they do not take this approach, they find themselves in a situation where: That which you do not resist and mobilize to stop, you will learn—or be forced—to accept. Part of building a culture of defiance and resistance among people standing up against fascism and the crimes of this system is refusing to allow the government to either intimidate or bamboozle people into giving up resistance, and refusing in any way to enter into complicity with such intimidation and repression.

    In this context, the legal principles underlying "Don't Talk" take on heightened importance. Those confronted by police agents should not be bamboozled into giving up the legal rights they do have, as this will only lead to strengthening the repressive apparatus of the state, and help to undercut the ability to struggle against the crimes of this system and to build a movement for revolution to overthrow this system and bring about a fundamentally different and much better system. 

    Immigrant Legal Resource Center red cards

     

    Red Cards

    Red cards are being distributed by the thousands in immigrant communities throughout the country, advising people of their rights. This is the text of the “red cards.” 

    I do not wish to speak with you, answer your questions, or sign or hand you any documents based on my 5th Amendment rights under the United States Constitution. I do not give you permission to enter my home based on my 4th Amendment rights under the United States Constitution unless you have a warrant to enter, signed by a judge or magistrate with my name on it that you slide under the door. I do not give you permission to search any of my belongings based on my 4th Amendment rights. I choose to exercise my constitutional rights. These cards are available to citizens and noncitizens alike.

    • DO NOT OPEN THE DOOR if an immigration agent is knocking on the door.
    • DO NOT ANSWER ANY QUESTIONS from an immigration agent if they try to talk to you. You have the right to remain silent.
    • DO NOT SIGN ANYTHING without first speaking to a lawyer. You have the right to speak with a lawyer.
    • If you are outside of your home, ask the agent if you are free to leave and if they say yes, leave calmly.
    • GIVE THIS CARD TO THE AGENT. If you are inside of your home, show the card through the window or slide it under the door.

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. Operation Backfire: A Survival Guide for Environmental and Animal Rights Activists, National Lawyers Guild, 2009 [back]

    2. “Know Your Rights! What to Do if Questioned by Police, FBI, Customs Agents or Immigration Officers,” by National Lawyers Guild, S.F. Bay Area Chapter, ACLU of Northern California and the American Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC-SF), 2004  [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    U.S. CONSTITUTION: AN EXPLOITERS’ VISION OF FREEDOM—ADDED NOTES (AND BRIEF INTRODUCTION)

    Brief Introduction:

    The following article by Bob Avakian was originally published in 1987. We are republishing it now, because it remains highly relevant in terms of understanding the basic nature of this system we live under—the system of capitalism-imperialism—and the role of the U.S. Constitution as the legal and political basis for this system of ruthless exploitation, murderous oppression and massive destruction. In this republished version, Bob Avakian has provided some Added Notes at the end of the article, to further clarify important points.

    * * * * *

    James Madison, who was the main author of the Constitution of the United States, was also an upholder of slavery and the interests of the slaveowners in the United States. Madison, the fourth president of the United States, not only wrote strongly in defense of the Constitution, he also strongly defended the part of the Constitution that declared the slaves to be only three-fifths human beings (that provided for the slaves to be counted this way for the purposes of deciding on representation and taxation of the states—Article I, Section 2, 3 of the Constitution).

    In writing this defense, Madison praised "the compromising expedient of the Constitution" which treats the slaves as "inhabitants, but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants; which regards the slave as divested of two-fifths of the man." Madison explained: "The true state of the case is that they partake of both these qualities: being considered by our laws, in some respects, as persons, and in other respects as property.... This is in fact their true character. It is the character bestowed on them by the laws under which they live; and it will not be denied that these are the proper criterion." Madison got to the heart of the matter, the essence of what the U.S. Constitution is all about, when in the course of upholding the decision to treat slaves as three-fifths human beings he agrees with the following principle: "Government is instituted no less for protection of the property than of the persons of individuals."1 Property rights—that is the basis on which outright slavery as well as other forms of exploitation, discrimination, and oppression have been consistently upheld. And over the 200 years that this Constitution has been in force, down to today, despite the formal rights of persons it proclaims, and even though the Constitution has been amended to outlaw slavery where one person actually owns another as property, the U.S. Constitution has always remained a document that upholds and gives legal authority to a system in which the masses of people, or their ability to work, have been used as wealth-creating property for the profit of the few.

    The abolition of slavery through the Civil War meant the elimination of one form of exploitation and the further development and extension of other forms of exploitation. As I wrote in Democracy: Can't We Do Better Than That?, "despite the efforts of abolitionists and the resistance and revolts of the slaves themselves—and their heroic fighting in the Civil War itself—it was not fought by the Union government in the North, and its president, Lincoln, for the purpose of abolishing the atrocity of slavery in some moral sense.... The Civil War arose out of the conflict between two modes of production, the slave system in the South and the capitalist system centered in the North; this erupted into open antagonism, warfare, when it was no longer possible for these two modes of production to co-exist within the same country."2 The victory of the North over the South in the U.S. Civil War represented the victory of the capitalist system over the slave system. It represented the triumph of the capitalist form of using people as a means of creating wealth. Under a system of outright slavery, the slave is literally the property of the slaveowner. Under capitalism, slavery becomes wage-slavery: The exploited class of workers is not owned by the exploiting class of capitalists (the owners of factories, land, etc.), but the workers are in a position where they must sell their ability to work to a capitalist in order to earn a wage. Capitalism needs a mass of workers that is "free," in a two-fold sense: They must be "free" of all means to live (all means of production), except their ability to work; and they must not be bound to a particular owner, a particular site, a particular guild, etc.—they must be "free" to do whatever work is demanded of them, they must be "free" to move from place to place, and "free" to be hired and fired according to the needs of capital! If they cannot enrich a capitalist through working, then the workers cannot work, they cannot earn a wage. But even if they cannot find a capitalist to exploit their labor, even if they are unemployed, they still remain under the domination of the capitalist class and of the process of capitalist accumulation of wealth—the proletarians (the workers) are dependent on the capitalist class and the capitalist system for their very lives, so long as the capitalist system rules. It is this rule, this system of exploitation, that the U.S. Constitution has upheld and enforced, all the more so after outright slavery was abolished through the Civil War.

    But here is another very important fact: In the concrete conditions of the U.S. coming out of the Civil War, and for some time afterward, wage-slavery was not the only major form of exploitation in force in the U.S. Up until very recently (until the 1950s), millions of Black people were exploited like serfs on Southern plantations, working as sharecroppers and tenant farmers to enrich big landowners (and bankers and other capitalists). A whole system of laws—commonly known as Jim Crow laws—were enforced to maintain this relationship of exploitation and oppression: Black people throughout the South—and really throughout the whole country—were subjected to the open discrimination, brutality, and terror that such laws allowed and encouraged. All this, too, was upheld and enforced by the Constitution and its interpretation and application by the highest political and legal authorities in the U.S. And, over the past several decades, when the great majority of Black people have been uprooted from the land in the South and have moved into the cities of the North (and South), they have still been discriminated against, forcibly segregated, and continually subjected to brutality and terror even while some formal civil rights have been extended to them.

    Once again, this is in accordance with the interests of the ruling capitalist class and capitalist system. It is consistent with the principle enunciated by James Madison: Governments must protect the property no less than the persons of individuals. In fact, what Madison obviously meant—and what the reality of the U.S. has clearly been—is that the government must protect the property of white people, especially the wealthy white people, more than the rights of Black people. It must never be forgotten that for most of their history in what is now the United States of America Black people were the property of white people, particularly wealthy plantation owners. Even after this outright slavery was abolished, Black people have never been allowed to achieve equality with whites: they have been held down, maintained as an oppressed nation, and denied the right of self-determination. Capitalism cannot exist without the oppression of nations, and this is all the more so when capitalism develops into its highest stage: monopoly capitalism-imperialism. If the history of the United States has demonstrated anything, it has demonstrated this.

    The Heritage They Won’t Renounce

    The ruling class of the U.S. today—above all the U.S. imperialists, the large-scale capitalists and international exploiters who dominate the U.S. and most of the world—are indeed, as they proclaim, the direct and worthy descendants of their “Founding Fathers.” And this is why the ruling class and its political representatives, while they feel obliged to say that they are opposed to slavery today (at least in the U.S. itself), solemnly praise and celebrate slave owners and upholders of slavery who were so prominent among the “Founding Fathers” and played so central a part in the establishment of the system in the U.S.: men like George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison.

    These imperialists will never admit that their “Founding Fathers” established a system of government that, in its very foundation, is based on oppression and exploitation. They will never admit that their Constitution is the legal instrument for enforcing that exploitation and oppression. They cannot admit this, any more than they can admit their much-vaunted wealth and power has been established and built up by stealing land and resources from the native peoples (and Mexico) through extortion and outright murderous means; by trading in human flesh and harnessing human beings in slave labor; by pitilessly exploiting immigrants in their millions as wage-slaves; by robbing and plundering throughout the world, particularly Latin America, Africa, and Asia (what today is generally called the Third World). They cannot acknowledge that, while the forms of slavery have changed, the U.S. has, from the beginning and down to today, remained a society where enslavement, in one form or another, has been at the very heart of the economic system and the very basis of the political structure.

    There are many (including even Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall) who argue that, because of the upholding of slavery in the Constitution—and other injustices, such as excluding women from voting, and the treatment of the Indians—the Constitution was not such a great document when it was written, but it has been made great through the history of the U.S. and the struggles to create a more perfect Union and a more perfect Constitution. In other words, the Constitution may have had defects in some important ways when it was originally conceived, but the miracle of it is that the Constitution has within it provisions for changing and improving it—for extending democracy and rights to those previously excluded. And, some will add, while the Constitution upholds property rights, it also upholds individual and civil rights (even the statement from Madison cited at the beginning of this article stresses that, some might argue). Let’s look more deeply at these questions.

    Extension of the Constitution … Extension of Bourgeois Domination

    The extension of constitutional rights and protections to those previously excluded from them has gone together, in an overall way, with the extension of bourgeois (capitalist) relations and their dominance throughout the U.S. And, at the same time, it has gone hand-in-hand with the continuation of the oppression of Black people, of Native Americans, of Latinos and immigrants from Latin America (and elsewhere), of the oppression of women, and other forms of oppression and exploitation. All this is not in contradiction to but is consistent with the fundamental principles on which the Constitution is based and the way in which it treats the relationship between the rights of property and the rights of individuals.*

    It is noteworthy that the 14th Amendment to the Constitution (echoing the 5th Amendment) has as its pivotal point the provision that no State may “deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the law.” Especially in the period since World War 2, this amendment has been used as a major part of the basis to extend civil rights for Black people, for women, and for others discriminated against. Yet this amendment was passed right after the Civil War, in 1866; and for many decades this amendment was not used to combat racial or sexual discrimination. Instead, “For many years the Supreme Court applied the due-process clause mainly to protect business interests against state regulatory legislation.”3 It was only beginning after World War 1, and more fully after World War 2, that the 14th Amendment was applied in a significant way to the questions of racial and sexual discrimination. Thus, “in a long series of cases” beginning in 1925, the Supreme Court “gradually expanded its definition of due process so as to include most of the guarantees of personal liberties in the Federal Bill of Rights and has protected them from state impairment. A similar development occurred with respect to the equal-protection clause.”4 These changes in Supreme Court decisions were part of larger changes in ruling-class policy. But these resulted not from some brilliant new legal insight, nor from some sudden flash of moral awakening within the ruling class. Rather, they resulted from the changed situation of Black people in U.S. society and, more decisively, from the situation and needs of the ruling imperialists.

    As noted earlier, the masses of Black people have undergone a dramatic change in their particular conditions of existence—and of oppression—in the U.S. This began during and immediately after World War 1 but developed fully during and after World War 2. Demand for labor in war production and other strategic industry, followed after World War 2 by sweeping changes in Southern agriculture—called forth by technological changes and international economic competition—drove millions and millions of Black people from the rural South to the urban ghettos of the North and South, and into the most exploited sections of the proletariat. At the same time, the U.S. imperialists emerged not only victorious but greatly strengthened from world war that devastated those countries which were much more directly and centrally involved. So, after World War 2 U.S. imperialism was everywhere, scooping up the former colonial possessions of the prior colonial powers and establishing U.S. neocolonial domination in the name of freedom and (usually) in the guise of allowing formal independence. In this situation, it was not so necessary—nor was it so helpful—to openly and blatantly treat Black people as “second-class citizens” in the U.S. itself. So, over the period of the next several decades, concessions were made to civil rights demands and struggles at the same time as deception, vicious repression, and the promotion of “loyal and responsible Negro leaders” were carried out to keep things firmly under the control of the ruling class and in the service of its larger interests. Similarly, recent decades have seen political and legal changes that have brought certain extensions of formal rights to women and certain concessions to their battle against oppression. These have corresponded to significant changes in society and the world, including the fact that in only a small percentage of U.S. families is it any longer the case that the family is supported by just the man working. But, again, these concessions have been confined within limits that fundamentally conform to the interests and needs of the ruling class in the face of changing conditions in the U.S. and the world.

    Would anyone dare say that, because of these changes and concessions, inequality and injustice have been eliminated in the U.S.? The fact is, none of this has in any way eliminated, or come close to eliminating, discrimination against Black people, their overall conditions of oppression, their status as an oppressed nation. Nor have the ruling imperialists ceased to oppress the Native Americans—they have never even stopped trying to cheat and rob them of valuable land and resources. Nor have these imperialists ceased to discriminate against and viciously exploit other national minorities and immigrants. Nor, despite the constitutional amendment (the 19th, in 1919) giving them the right to vote and other concessions to “women’s rights,” have women been granted equality—there has been no end to the subjugation and degradation they have been subjected to: The oppression of women remains a foundation stone of U.S. society, as indeed it must so long as a system of class domination and exploitation is in force. Today, 200 years after the U.S. Constitution first took effect, and after all the changes and amendments, no one can seriously and reasonably argue that the various kinds of oppression that I have spoken to here do not exist or are only a minor aspect of the situation. No one can seriously and reasonably argue that they are not a basic and deeply rooted feature of American society.

    The reason for this is rooted in the very reality and nature of the economic system in the U.S. and the political system that upholds and enforces this economic system, including the Constitution as the legal “cement” of the political structure. The fundamental reason why the “extension” of constitutional rights to those previously excluded from them has not put an end to exploitation, inequality, and oppression is this: The essence of the capitalist economic system is not the competition of commodity owners, all vying equally in the marketplace (equal opportunity for all). The essence is the exploitation of labor as wage-labor, the command by capital over labor power (the ability to do work) as a commodity—a unique commodity—that creates wealth through its use.** (As a dockworker told me years ago: No one gets rich working; the only way to get rich is by making other people work for you.) And the essence of the political structure that goes along with and protects this capitalist economic system is not freedom and democracy for all, regardless of wealth and social position. The essence is the dictatorship of the bourgeois class—its monopoly of political power and armed force—over those it dominates in the economic system, especially the proletariat. Thus, the right to vote and other formal rights for the proletariat and other oppressed masses are in no way in fundamental opposition to the economic and political system of capitalism and bourgeois dictatorship.

    Bourgeois Democracy—Bourgeois Dictatorship

    Bourgeois democracy presents itself as classless democracy: It proclaims equality for all. Thus, the U.S. Constitution does not say that different classes of people shall have unequal wealth and power; rather, it sets forth a charter that appears to treat everyone the same, regardless of wealth and social status. Yet there never has been, and never could be, a capitalist society without tremendous differences in wealth and power, without fundamental class divisions and antagonisms. In fact, a capitalist society without these things is not even conceivable. And in reality, democracy in capitalist society can only be bourgeois democracy. This means there is democracy—equal political rights and the power to make fundamental decisions—only among the capitalist class, the ruling class. For the rest, and for the proletariat especially, bourgeois democracy means dictatorship: It means being ruled over by the capitalists, even while being allowed to vote and even while being governed by a Constitution that sets forth laws that are said to be applied, equally, to all. How can this be?

    First, as for voting, as I pointed out in Democracy: Can’t We Do Better Than That?:

    On the most obvious level, to be a serious candidate for any major office in a country like the U.S. requires millions of dollars—a personal fortune or, more often, the backing of people with that kind of money. Beyond that, to become known and be taken seriously depends on favorable exposure in the mass media (favorable at least in the sense that you are presented as within the framework of responsible—that is, acceptable politics)…. By the time “the people express their will through voting,” both the candidates they have to choose among and the “issues” that deserve “serious consideration” have been selected out by someone else: the ruling class….

    Further, and even more fundamentally, to “get anywhere” once elected—both to advance one’s own career and to “get anything done”—it is necessary to fit into the established mold and work within the established structures.5

    But that is not all:

    If, however, the electoral process in bourgeois society does not represent the exercise of sovereignty by the people, it generally does play an important role in maintaining the sovereignty—the dictatorship—of the bourgeoisie and the continuation of capitalist society. This very electoral process itself tends to cover over the basic class relations—and class antagonisms—in society, and serves to give formal, institutionalized expression to the political participation of atomized individuals in the perpetuation of the status quo. This process not only reduces people to isolated individuals but at the same time reduces them to a passive position politically and defines the essence of politics as such atomized passivity—as each person, individually, in isolation from everyone else, giving his/her approval to this or to that option, all of which options have been formulated and presented by an active power standing above these atomized masses of “citizens.”… [T]he very acceptance of the electoral process as the quintessential political act reinforces acceptance of the established order and works against any radical rupture with, to say nothing of the actual overturning of, that order.6

    And let us remember that one of the main reasons for which the U.S. Constitution was “ordained and established,” as proclaimed in its “Preamble,” was to prevent social upheaval and the overturning of the order upheld by that Constitution—to “insure domestic tranquility.”

    The same can be said of the other aspects of bourgeois democracy and the kind of rights set forth in the U.S. Constitution (including its “Bill of Rights”): They have the purpose and function of reinforcing the rule of the bourgeoisie and keeping political activity within limits acceptable to the bourgeoisie. Thus, “the much-vaunted freedom of expression in the ‘democratic countries’ is not in opposition to but is encompassed by and confined within the actual exercise of dictatorship by the bourgeoisie. This is for two basic reasons—because the ruling class has a monopoly on the means of molding public opinion and because its monopoly of armed force puts it in a position to suppress, as violently as necessary, any expression of ideas, as well as any action, that poses a serious challenge to the established order.”7 The history of the U.S., like the history of all other “democratic” bourgeois dictatorships, is full of graphic illustrations of just how true the above-quoted statement is!

    Formal equality—the treatment of all persons as equal, and specifically as “equal before the law,” without regard to wealth or social position—in bourgeois society actually covers over the relationship of complete subordination, exploitation, and oppression to which the proletariat and masses of people are subjected. If a small group—the capitalist class—controls the important means of creating wealth, then in reality they have the power of life and death over those who control little or none of these. To have such power over other people is, in essence, to hold them in an enslaved condition, whether or not the chains are literal and visible. In such a situation—which is the fundamental condition of capitalist society—how can there be anything but profound inequality economically, socially, and politically? And with such a fundamental division, with such fundamental inequality, there can never be anything but exploitation, oppression, domination, and dictatorship.

    With regard to the law, this will manifest itself in two main ways. First, those who dominate society economically will dominate in deciding, through the political structure, what the laws will be. They will insure that the laws serve their interests. And second, the actual application and enforcement of the law will discriminate in favor of those with wealth and power and against those without them—and even more so against oppressed nationalities, women, and others who are “the last of the last” in society. Everyday life in any capitalist society proves this over and over. Thus, once again, as with the right to vote and other constitutional rights in a bourgeois-democratic republic, formal equality before the law expresses itself, in reality, as profound inequality—and more—as something confined within and conforming to bourgeois domination and dictatorship.

    The basic difference between the bourgeoisie’s view of freedom and democracy on the one hand, and the striving of oppressed masses for an end to oppressive conditions on the other hand, is sharply drawn in recent events in Haiti, the Philippines, and South Korea. The oppressed masses (and students and other revolutionary intellectuals) want some kind of fundamental change in the social system and a breaking of the chains of imperialist domination in their countries. But the bourgeois opposition leaders and parties want only the recognition of bourgeois-democratic provisions and procedures—with elections the highest expression of political activity. Most of all, they want the sharing of power more broadly and “equally” among the upper classes—really, they want their chance to hold the reins of power—while leaving the social system and imperialist domination intact. As for the imperialists, where they become convinced of the need for change in such situations, they make every effort to keep it confined within the framework of imperialist domination and bourgeois rule. Indeed, they try to use such situations to strengthen and perhaps “refine” the apparatus of bourgeois politics—and, above all, of repression—in the countries involved.

    This brings us to a most fundamental point that is so often ignored or glossed over in discussions and debates about democracy in countries like the U.S.: The fact is that even the extent to which rights are allowed to the nonruling classes in imperialist countries depends on a situation where, in large parts of the world under imperialist domination, the masses of people are subjected to much more open and murderous repression. In short,

    The platform of democracy in the imperialist countries (worm-eaten as it is) rests on fascist terror in the oppressed nations: the real guarantors of bourgeois democracy in the U.S. are not the constitutional scholar and the Supreme Court justice, but the Brazilian torturer, the South African cop, and the Israeli pilot; the true defenders of the democratic tradition are not on the portraits in the halls of the Western capitols, but are Marcos, Mobutu, and the dozens of generals from Turkey to Taiwan, from South Korea to South America, all put and maintained in power and backed up by the military force of the U.S. and its imperialist partners.8,***

    But, at the same time, the imperialist rulers and ardent worshippers of bourgeois democracy go to great lengths to try to cover over, or explain away, the brutal repression “at home” that is so essential to the functioning of the system and the maintenance of the established order:

    For there is vicious repression and state terror carried out continually—and not only in times of serious crisis or social upheaval—in the imperialist countries; it is carried out specifically against those who do not support but oppose the established order, or who simply cannot be counted on to be pacified by the normal workings of the imperialist system—those whose conditions are desperate and whose life situation is explosive anyway.

    In the U.S. the hundreds of police shootings of oppressed people, particularly Blacks and other minority nationalities, every year; the fact that jails are overwhelmingly filled with poor people, the greatest number again being Black and other minority nationalities—it is an amazing but true statistic that one out of every thirteen Black people in the U.S. will be arrested each year (and Blacks are incarcerated eight and one-half times as frequently as whites)!—and the widespread use of drugs, surgical techniques, and other means to repress and terrorize prisoners (as well as an astounding number of people not in jail, including allegedly recalcitrant children); the use of welfare and other so-called social service agencies to harass and control poor people down to the most intimate details of their personal lives; this, and much more, is part of the daily life experience of millions of people in the major imperialist countries. Along with all this, of course, is the use of the state apparatus for direct political repression….

    In times of severe crisis and social strain, of course, all this is carried out more intensively and extensively…. Already, right now in the U.S., to cite one important aspect of this, hundreds of thousands of immigrants, “illegal” and “legal,” are being subjected to a campaign of terror—including raids at their places of work and homes, the sudden and forcible separation of parents from children, and the deportation of large numbers of refugees back to the waiting arms of death squads and other government assassins in countries like El Salvador. The same kind of thing is also being directed against immigrants in France, West Germany, England, and other imperialist democracies.

    Through all this, while overt political repression by the state is in one sense the clearest indication of the class content of democracy—in the imperialist countries as well as elsewhere—in another sense the daily, and often seemingly arbitrary, terror carried out against the lower strata in these imperialist countries concentrates the connection between the normal workings of the system and the political (that is, class) nature of the state.9

    A New and Far Greater Vision of Freedom

    In the course of this article so far, in speaking to some essential questions concerning the U.S. Constitution and the system it upholds, I have answered some of the main arguments made in defense of this Constitution and this system, including the argument that the Constitution, if not perfect, is perfectible—that it can be continually improved and the rights it establishes can be extended to those previously excluded. Before concluding, I want to briefly address some of the other main arguments made on behalf of—or in defense of—this Constitution and the principles and vision it embodies.

    “This Constitution establishes a law of the land that is applicable to all—it establishes a government of laws, not of people.” This is closely linked to the principle of “equality before the law.” What is meant by “a government of laws, not of people” is that no one is “above the law” and that what is allowed and what is forbidden are set forth before all, in one set of regulations binding on everyone, and this can be changed only through the procedures established for making such changes. A “government of people” refers to a notion of a government where it is the will and the word of certain people—a king, a despot, a small group of tyrants, etc.—that determine what is allowed and what is forbidden, and where this can and will change according to the dictates and the whims of such rulers: There is no common and clearly spelled-out standard binding on all, even on the political leaders and the powerful and influential in society.

    Like all principles of bourgeois democracy, this notion of “a government of laws, not of people” misses and obscures the essential question. First of all,

    “the rule of law” can be part of a dictatorship, of one kind or another, and in the most general sense it always is—even where it may appear that power is exercised without or above the law, laws (in the sense of a systematized code that people in society are obliged to conform to, whether written or unwritten) will still exist and play a part in enforcing the rule of the dominant class. Conversely, all states, all dictatorships, include laws in one form or another.10

    Most fundamentally, the question is: What is the character and the class content of the laws, what system do they uphold and enforce, which class interests do they represent—of which class dictatorship, bourgeois or proletarian, are they the expression and instrument—and toward what end are they contributing—the maintenance of class division and domination, exploitation and oppression, or the final elimination of class divisions, of all oppressive social divisions, and of social antagonisms? In short, the essential question is not “a government of laws vs. a government of people,” it is which people—which class—rules, and what laws are in force, in the service of what ends?

    “‘We The People,’ that is the heart of this Constitution and the genius of this Constitution: It establishes a government of, by and for all the people.” As a matter of historical fact, this opening phrase of the Constitution, “We the people of the United States,” was not the product of some lofty desire by the “framers” of the Constitution to set forth some universal principle of popular sovereignty. It was the product of their desire to overcome the problem of States posing their own sovereignty against that of the Federal Government—and the desire to avoid the specific problem of not knowing which States would ratify the Constitution: “The Preamble of the Articles of Confederation had named all the states in order from north to south. How was the [Constitutional] Convention to enumerate the participating states without knowing which would ratify? In a brilliant flash of inspiration, the Convention began with the words, ‘We the People of the United States…do ordain and establish this Constitution….’”11

    More importantly, the larger historical context and the actual content of this proclamation—“We The People”—must be made clear. The founding of the United States of America as an independent country represented not just the breaking away from domination by a foreign power. It also meant breaking away from a form of government that vested great power in the person of the monarchy—even while it ultimately served the interests of the bourgeoisie and the landed “nobility.” In general, the rights and the restrictions of power established in the Constitution of the newly founded United States revolved around preventing arbitrary rule by despots and the concentration of too much power in one person or one part of the government. The “separation of powers” and the “checks and balances” of different branches of government was seen as a way of insuring that the government would serve the interests of the capitalist class and (at that time) the slaveowners as a whole. It is in this light that “We the people of the United States,” in the “Preamble” of the Constitution, must be understood. Obviously, “We the people of the United States” did not include all those who were expressly excluded from the process of selecting the government and endorsing the Constitution. For, “Even on the most obvious level, how could the government of the newly formed United States, for example, be considered to have derived its powers ‘from the consent of the governed’ when, at the time of the formation of the United States of America, a majority of the people ‘governed’—included slaves, Indians, women, men who did not meet various property requirements, and others—did not even have the right to vote…to say nothing of the real power to govern and determine the direction of society?”12

    Bourgeois ruling classes generally speak in the name of the people, all the people. From their standpoint, it may make a certain amount of sense: They do, after all, rule over the masses of people. But from a more basic and more objective standpoint, their claim to represent all the people is a deception. If it was a deception at the time of the founding of the United States and the adoption of its Constitution, it is all the more so now. For now the rule of the capitalists is in fundamental antagonism with the interests of the great majority of people, not just in a particular country, but all over the world. Now the decisive question is not overcoming economic and political obstacles to the development of capitalism and its corresponding political system. The time when that was on the historical agenda is long since passed. What is now on the historical agenda is the overthrow of capitalism and the final elimination of all systems of exploitation, all oppressive social relations, all class distinctions, through the revolution of the exploited class under capitalism, the proletariat.

    To get a very stark sense of just how historically conditioned—how long since outmoded and completely reactionary—are the interests and the paramount concerns of the "Founding Fathers" and their descendants, the ruling imperialists of today, let us consider the fact that, in writing their Constitution, Madison and others "For theoretical inspiration...leaned heavily on Locke and on Montesquieu's Spirit of the Laws. Both writers had insisted on the need for separation of powers in order to prevent tyranny; in Montesquieu's view even the representatives of the people in the legislature could not be trusted with unlimited power."13 In reading over Montesquieu's Spirit of the Laws I could not help but be struck by how thoroughly his frame of reference is that of a bygone age and his outlook that of exploiting classes whose period of historical ascendancy is long since past. As a glaring illustration, consider the following:

    If I had to justify our right to enslave Negroes, this is what I would say: Since the peoples of Europe have exterminated those of America, they have had to enslave those of Africa in order to use them to clear and cultivate such a vast expanse of land.

    Sugar would be too expensive if it weren't harvested by slaves.

    Those in question are black from the tip of their toes to the top of their heads; and their noses so flattened that it is almost impossible to feel sorry for them.

    It is inconceivable that God, who is a very wise being, could have placed a soul, especially a good soul, in an all-black body....

    One proof of the fact that Negroes don't have any common sense is that they get more excited about a string of glass beads than about gold, which, in civilized countries, is so dearly prized.

    It is impossible that these people are men; because if we thought of them as men, one would begin to think that we ourselves are not Christians.14,****

    Let the "Founding Fathers" and their descendants draw theoretical inspiration from the likes of Montesquieu! Let them defend slavery and modern-day exploitation on the ground of property rights, taking their lead from the likes of James Madison, the main author of the Constitution. As for the proletariat, our goal is "Marx's view of the complete abolition of bourgeois property relations—and all relations in which human beings confront each other as owners (or non-owners) of property rather than through conscious and voluntary association."15

    For the exploiting classes, and in a system under their rule, the "bottom line" is to reduce the masses of people to mere wealth-creating property—and today, under the domination of the imperialists, the greatest of all exploiters, the mass of humanity is treated as merely a means to amass even greater wealth and power in the hands of, and for the profit of, so few. And at what cost! This cost must be measured in massive human suffering, degradation, and destruction. Imagine the even greater cost in human suffering, degradation, and destruction that will have to be paid unless and until the oppressed and exploited victims of this system, who are the great majority of humanity, rise up and overthrow this system and finally put an end to all social relations of exploitation and oppression.

    In conclusion, The Constitution of the United States is an exploiters' vision of freedom. It is a charter for a society based on exploitation, on slavery in one form or another. The rights and freedoms it proclaims are subordinate to and in the service of the system of exploitation it upholds. This Constitution has been and continues to be applied in accordance with this vision and with the interests of the ruling class of this system: In its application it has become more and more fully the instrument of bourgeois domination, dictatorship, oppression, conquest, and plunder.

    Our answer is clear to those who argue: Even if The Constitution of the United States is not perfect, it is the best that has been devised—it sets a standard to be striven for. Our answer is: Why should we aim so low, when we have The Communist Manifesto to set a far higher standard of what humanity can strive for—and is capable of achieving—a far greater vision of freedom.*****

     

    NOTES

    1. Quotes from James Madison are from the Federalist Paper No. 54 in The Federalist Papers (New York: New American Library, 1961), pp. 336-341, especially pp. 339 and 337. [back]

    2. Bob Avakian, Democracy: Can't We Do Better Than That? (Chicago: Banner Press, 1986), pp. 110-11. [back]

    3. Edward Conrad Smith, editor, The Constitution of the United States with Case Summaries (New York: Barnes & Noble Books, 1979), p. 18. All citations in this article are from the essay “The Origins of the Constitution.” [back]

    4. Ibid., pp. 18-19. [back]

    5. Avakian, Democracy, p. 69. [back]

    6. Ibid, p. 70. [back]

    7. Ibid, p. 71. [back]

    8. Lenny Wolff, The Science of Revolution: An Introduction (Chicago: RCP Publications, 1983), p. 184. [back]

    9. Avakian, Democracy, pp. 137-39. [back]

    10. Ibid., pp. 233-34. [back]

    11. Smith, Constitution of the U.S., p. 12. [back]

    12. Avakian, Democracy, p. 100. [back]

    13. Smith, Constitution of the U.S., p. 13. [back]

    14. Charles Montesquieu, De L'Esprit Des Lois, Paris: Garnier, 1927, livre 15, chapitre 5, "De L'Esclavage Des Negres" (The Spirit of the Laws, book 15, chapter 5, "On the Enslavement of Negroes"), my translation. [back]

    15. Avakian, Democracy, p. 212. [back]

    Added Notes by the Author, Spring 2023

    * A major factor underlying this “extension of constitutional rights and protections to those previously excluded from them” has—especially since the second half of the 20th century—been the increasing globalization of the capitalist-imperialist economy, a worldwide system of exploitation ensnaring literally billions of people, and in particular super-exploitation of masses of people, including more than 150 million children, in the Third World of Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Asia. The relationship of this worldwide exploitation, and super-exploitation, to the situation in the U.S. itself—particularly with regard to the economic structure and social and class relations within this country—is analyzed in depth in the paper by Raymond Lotta Imperialist Parasitism and Class-Social Recomposition in the U.S. From the 1970s to Today: An Exploration of Trends and Changes, which is available at revcom.us. The political dimensions of this are explored in my article Imperialist Parasitism and “Democracy”: Why So Many Liberals and Progressives Are Shameless Supporters of “Their” Imperialism (also available at revcom.us), where the following is made clear:

    [T]his imperialist plunder provides the material basis for a certain stability, at least in “normal times” in the imperialist “home country” (with the U.S. a prime example of this). This relative stability, in turn, makes it possible for the ruling class to allow a certain amount of dissent and political protest—so long as this remains within the confines of, or at least does not significantly threaten, the “law and order” that serves and enforces the fundamental interests of this ruling class.

    At the same time, as sharply demonstrated in mass uprisings which do call into question that “law and order” and/or defy allegiance to the imperialist interests of this system—such as the mass outpouring against police terror in 2020, and urban rebellions and mass opposition to the Vietnam war in the 1960s—the rulers of this country will frequently respond to such opposition with severe repression and murderous retribution.  For example, the city of Wilmington, in Biden’s home state of Delaware, was placed under martial law for months during the 1960s upsurge against the oppression of Black people, and a number of members of the Black Panther Party, most prominently Fred Hampton, were murdered by police, along with many Black people taking part in urban uprisings in that period, while militant mass resistance against the Vietnam war and rebellions among middle class youth and students were in some cases subjected to a vicious, and at times murderous, response by police and National Guard troops.

    It should never be forgotten, or overlooked, that the “law and order” that enforces this relative stability has included the regular murder of Black people, as well as Latinos, by police—resulting in the fact that the number of Black people who have been killed by police in the years since 1960 is greater than the thousands of Black people who were lynched during the period of Jim Crow segregation and Ku Klux Klan terror, before the 1960s. It should also not be overlooked that the U.S. has the highest rate of mass incarceration of any country in the world, with Black people and Latinos particularly subjected to this mass incarceration. [back]

    ** The point here, as emphasized in my work Breakthroughs: The Historic Breakthrough by Marx, and the Further Breakthrough with the New Communism, A Basic Summary, is that the essence of the capitalist economy, and the source of capitalist “wealth” and “economic growth,” is not a bunch of capitalist entrepreneurs and their “innovation,” or their “entrepreneurial genius.” It is the exploitation by the capitalists (the bourgeoisie) of wage-workers (the proletariat). This is different than the question of what is the driving force compelling the capitalists to continue to intensify the exploitation of the proletariat and to continually find new means of doing so. As also pointed out in Breakthroughs:

    Engels, in Anti-Dühring, discussed the motion of the fundamental contradiction of capitalism between socialized production and private appropriation. He pointed out that the working out of this contradiction assumes two different forms of motion that go into the dynamic process of this fundamental contradiction’s motion. Those two forms of motion are, on the one hand, the contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat that it exploits, and the other form of motion that Engels identified, importantly, is the contradiction between organization and anarchy, the organization of production on the level of, say, an enterprise—which may be highly organized, with lots of calculations going into it, market estimates and all kinds of things, and may be very tightly organized in terms of how the actual process of production is carried out on the level of the particular capitalist corporation, and so on—while, at the same time, this is in contradiction to the anarchy of production and of exchange in the society as a whole (or today in the world as a whole, today more than ever in the world as a whole). So you have these two forms of motion—and I’ll come back later to a crucial distinguishing aspect of the new communism: the importance of identifying the second form of motion of this fundamental contradiction, that is, the anarchy/organization contradiction, or the driving force of anarchy, as overall the principal and most essential form of the motion of the fundamental contradiction of capitalism....

    In this regard, in the article “On the ‘Driving Force of Anarchy’ and the Dynamics of Change,” Raymond Lotta cited this statement of mine:

    anarchic relations between capitalist producers, and not the mere existence of propertyless proletarians or the class contradiction as such, that drives these producers to exploit the working class on an historically more intensive and extensive scale. This motive force of anarchy is an expression of the fact that the capitalist mode of production represents the full development of commodity production and the law of value.

    And then there is this very important passage:

    Were it not the case that these capitalist commodity producers are separated from each other and yet linked by the operation of the law of value they would not face the same compulsion to exploit the proletariat—the class contradiction between bourgeoisie and proletariat could be mitigated. It is the inner compulsion of capital to expand which accounts for the historically unprecedented dynamism of this mode of production, a process which continually transforms value relations and which leads to crisis.

    (Breakthroughs is available at revcom.us; and the article by Raymond Lotta referred to here, “On the ‘Driving Force of Anarchy’ and the Dynamics of Change,” can be found in the online theoretical journal Demarcations, Issue Number 3.) [back]

    *** As noted in “Imperialist Parasitism and ‘Democracy’: Why So Many Liberals and Progressives Are Shameless Supporters of ‘Their’ Imperialism”:

    Some of the mass murderers in other countries who today play such a crucial role in serving the interests of U.S. imperialism throughout the world, and in making possible the maintenance of bourgeois democracy in this country itself (worm-eaten as it is indeed), are the same as they were 40 years ago, and some are different—but the essential reality remains that the “platform of democracy” in this country rests on fascist terror, along with ruthless exploitation, in the oppressed nations of the Third World (Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Asia). [back]

    **** In relation to this statement by Montesquieu—and more generally his views on slavery—I am reproducing here the following “A Note from Bob Avakian: On Montesquieu, Slavery and the U.S. Constitution,” which appeared in Revolution #037, March 5, 2006, posted at revcom.us:

    Recently, Revolution ran an excerpt from a pamphlet I wrote, which was originally published in 1987, U.S. Constitution: An Exploiters' Vision of Freedom. In that excerpt, there is a quote from De L'Esprit Des Lois (or, in English, "The Spirit of the Laws") by Charles Montesquieu, an 18th–century French philosopher, who was one of the sources of inspiration for the U.S. Constitution, and in particular the theory of the separation of powers that is incorporated in that Constitution. The quote from this work of Montesquieu's, which was published in 1748, is one in which he recites an extreme and grotesquely racist justification for "the enslavement of the Negroes." In relation to this, it is not infrequently argued that Montesquieu was being ironic here, and deliberately overstating this argument, in order to, in effect, polemicize against the enslavement of African people, and that in general Montesquieu's writings express opposition to slavery. But the reality is not so simple as this, nor does this reflect what Montesquieu was essentially seeking to do in this part of "The Spirit of the Laws." It can be said that in "The Spirit of the Laws" Montesquieu's position is one of general opposition to slavery, and he indicates that slavery is not appropriate in countries like France; but, at the same time, he speaks to various circumstances in which he believes slavery can be justified or reasonable. For example, he argues that in the parts of the world, in particular the southern regions, where the climate is warmer, this climate makes people lazy (indolent), and slavery may be justified in order to get them to work (and he argues that in a despotic country, where people's political rights are already repressed, slavery may not be worse for people in that condition).

    This, and the general discussion of slavery that makes up this part (book 15) of "The Spirit of the Laws," is included in a broader discussion by Montesquieu on the nature of different societies and governments in different countries and parts of the world (this is found not only in book 15 but also books 14 and 16 of "The Spirit of the Laws") in which Montesquieu argues that geography and in particular climate plays a big part in determining the nature of different peoples and the character of their society and governing system. And it is important to understand that, although in this discussion Montesquieu makes logical refutation of certain arguments, including certain defenses of slavery, this is not a polemic for or against slavery, or other forms of government, and its character is not that of moral argumentation, so much as it is an attempt to explain why various practices, and various forms of society and government, have existed (and in some cases continue to exist) in various places.

    Another way to put this is that what Montesquieu is doing, in these parts of "The Spirit of the Laws" (and generally in this work), is attempting to make a kind of materialist analysis of these phenomena, including slavery in many places where it has existed—although it must be emphasized that this is not a thoroughly scientific, dialectical materialism but instead a rather crude and vulgar materialism which is marked, and marred, by a considerable amount of determinism: it is a kind of mechanical materialism that argues for a direct and straight-line (linear) connection between things like geography and climate and the character of society and government. It is a kind of materialism that does not adequately and accurately characterize the real motive forces in the development of human society, and in fact this kind of vulgar materialism has often been used to justify various forms of oppression, including colonial and imperialist domination. While we can, and should, recognize that, in the circumstances and time in which he wrote—about 250 years ago—there are aspects of what Montesquieu was seeking to do that were new and represented a break with the suffocating and obfuscating feudal outlook and conventions, it is very important to understand how Montesquieu's outlook and method were marked, and limited, by the social, and international, relations of which they were ultimately an expression: relations in which one part of society, and of the world, dominates and exploits others. And that is the basic point that was being emphasized in relation to Montesquieu and the U.S. Constitution, in the pamphlet U.S. Constitution: An Exploiters' Vision of Freedom.

    With regard to the specific passage that was cited in U.S. Constitution: An Exploiters' Vision of Freedom, "on the enslavement of the Negroes," there is, in fact, some reason to accept that Montesquieu does not actually agree with the justification for this enslavement that he summarizes, and that he is actually subjecting this kind of justification to some ironic and satirical treatment. A reasonable interpretation of Montesquieu's arguments, as he goes on in this part of "The Spirit of the Laws" (book 15), is that this kind of argument, about the non-human character of the Negroes, is not a valid argument, not one that actually justifies this enslavement. But then he does go on to explore the question of what might actually be reasonable justifications, in certain circumstances, for slavery; and, as spoken to above, he finds such justifications in situations such as those where there is a despotic government, or where—as he concludes, through an application of vulgar and determinist materialism—the warm climate makes people lazy and unwilling, on their own initiative, to work.

    Thus, in looking into and reflecting on this further, I would say that, while it is important to understand the complexity and nuance of what Montesquieu writes here—and it can be said that the way in which I cited Montesquieu in writing this pamphlet on the U.S. Constitution does not really or fully do that—it is not the case that what Montesquieu was doing here was actually making a case against the enslavement of the Negroes, or against slavery in general. Once again, it is important to keep in mind the fact that, although he was opposed to slavery on general principle, and declared that it was a good thing that it had been eliminated in his home country, France, and more generally in Europe, Montesquieu did not think slavery was wrong, or without justification, in all circumstances. And it also seems that Montesquieu did not hesitate to invest in companies involved in the slave trade. In this, there is a parallel with John Locke, the English philosopher and political theorist, who, as I pointed out in this same pamphlet (U.S. Constitution: An Exploiters' Vision of Freedom), was also a major influence in the conception of the U.S. Constitution. As I wrote in Democracy: Can't We Do Better Than That? (p. 29):

    "In sum, the society of which Locke was a theoretical exponent, as well as a practical political partisan, was a society based on wage-slavery and capitalist exploitation. And it is not surprising that, while he was opposed to slavery in England itself, he not only defended the institution of slavery, under certain circumstances, in the Second Treatise, but turned a not insignificant profit himself in the slave trade and helped to draw up the charter for a government headed by a slave-owning aristocracy in one of the American colonies. For as Marx sarcastically summarized: ‘The discovery of gold and silver in America, the extirpation, enslavement and entombment in mines of the aboriginal population, the beginning of the conquest and looting of the East Indies, the turning of Africa into a warren for the commercial hunting of black-skins, signalized the rosy dawn of the era of capitalist production.’" [back]

    ***** In the years since the writing of this article, I have devoted considerable work to the development of what is meant by this “far greater vision of freedom”—what it would mean “in real life.” One very important result of this is the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, which provides both a sweeping vision and a concrete blueprint for a radically different and emancipating society and world. This Constitution is available at revcom.us. [back]

  • ARTICLE:

    BOB AVAKIAN FOR THE LIBERATION OF BLACK PEOPLE
    AND THE EMANCIPATION OF ALL HUMANITY

    Bob Avakian for the liberation of Black people

     

    WATCH THIS VIDEO   

    One of the things that comes through most powerfully in Bob Avakian’s memoir1 is that a profound hatred for the oppression of Black people has been a defining part of Bob Avakian’s life from the time, as a teenager, he learned about the lives of the Black people with whom he developed deep ties of friendship. Never feeling that, because he is white, “it is not his place” to be involved in the struggle against this oppression—but, on the contrary, determined to contribute whatever he could to this struggle—Bob Avakian (BA), from the time he worked closely with the Black Panther Party in its revolutionary days in the 1960s, has made the liberation of Black people a defining part of his life’s commitment and work. As he developed as a revolutionary communist, and emerged as the foremost revolutionary leader and thinker in the world, this commitment has become even deeper and has been strongly interwoven with a dedication to the emancipation of all humanity from every form of oppression and exploitation.

    As BA has written about his life’s work:

    Why was I doing the work I was doing? Once again, we’re back to for whom and for what. I wasn’t doing this work for myself. When I was young, in middle school and then even more so in high school, my life got changed in a very major way by coming into contact with people that I hadn’t really known that much before, in particular Black people. I started learning about their situation and how that relates to what goes on in this society as a whole. I was drawn to the culture—not just the music and the art overall, but the whole way of going through the world—of the Black people who became my friends, and the world they introduced me to. And I came to the point of recognizing: these are my people. Now, I knew they had a different life experience than I did. But these are my people—I don’t see a separation—it’s not like there are some other people “over there” who are going through all this and somehow that’s removed from me. These are my people. And then I began to recognize more deeply what people were being put through, the oppression they were constantly subjected to, the horrors of daily life as well as the bigger ways in which the system came down on them. And as I went further through life and began to approach the question of what needs to be done about this, and was introduced to taking up a scientific approach to this, I realized that my people were more than this. I realized that my people were Chicanos and other Latinos and other oppressed people in the U.S.; they were people in Vietnam and China; they were women...they were the oppressed and exploited of the world...and through some struggle, and having to cast off some wrong thinking, I have learned that they are LGBT people as well.

    These are my people, the oppressed and exploited people of the world. They are suffering terribly, and something has to be done about this. So it is necessary to dig in and systematically take up the science that can show the way to put an end to all this, and bring something much better into being. You have to persevere and keep struggling to go forward in this way. And when you run into new problems or setbacks, you have to go more deeply into this, rather than putting it aside and giving up.

    So this is why I’ve been doing the work that I’ve been doing.2

    memoir-front.jpg

     

    Bob Avakian grew up in Berkeley, California. Unable, because of a life-threatening illness, to be directly involved in struggles taking place against racial oppression for several years after graduating from high school in 1961, BA nevertheless closely followed and strongly supported the civil rights movement in the early 1960s, and at the same time was influenced by and supportive of the militant stand and role of Malcolm X. This was reflected in an article that BA wrote at the age of 19 in 1962 supporting the struggle of Black people. (This article was submitted to the liberal magazine Saturday Review. Although the article was not published, the editor-in-chief of the magazine, Norman Cousins, personally replied—indicating that, although the magazine had chosen not to publish this article, he recognized that the article spoke, in a strikingly compelling way, to very important questions.)

    Having recovered from his illness, in 1964, BA became actively involved in the Free Speech Movement at the University of California in Berkeley, where he was a student. The central issue of this movement was the right of students to carry out activity on the campus in support of the civil rights movement. BA was among the 800 who were arrested during the occupation of the university administration building, which was the high point of the movement and led to winning its demands.

    As the civil rights movement increasingly gave way to a more militant Black liberation movement in the second half of the 1960s, BA was strongly influenced by this. He left the university and dedicated his life to working for radical change. As a result of direct contact and discussions with Huey Newton and Bobby Seale, the founders of the Black Panther Party, and getting to know Eldridge Cleaver (who also became a leader of the BPP), BA worked closely with the Black Panther Party from its earliest days and at the height of its revolutionary role and influence.

    In 1967, BA attended rallies, and spoke at one of the rallies, held by the BPP in North Richmond to protest the killing there of Denzil Dowell, part of the long and continuing chain of murders of Black people by police.

    In 1968, when Huey Newton was facing murder charges as a result of a shoot-out with Oakland cops, BA spoke—along with a number of key figures in the Black liberation movement, including Stokely Carmichael, Rap Brown, James Forman, and leaders of the Black Panther Party— at a Free Huey rally held in the Oakland auditorium on the occasion of Huey Newton’s birthday.

    BA worked tirelessly to build support, including among white people, for the demand to “Free Huey!” At a “Free Huey” rally at the courthouse in Oakland where Huey Newton’s trial was being held, BA was arrested for “desecrating” (burning) the American flag.

    During this time, at the invitation of BPP leaders, BA wrote a number of articles for the Black Panther newspaper.

    At a rally of thousands, led by the Black Panther Party, on May First, 1969, BA spoke of the need for revolution and called on white people in particular to more actively take part in movements for revolutionary change in the U.S., and to support such movements throughout the world.

    By the beginning of the 1970s, millions of people in this country were in favor of some kind of revolutionary change, but they faced profound challenges. How could this revolution be made—or was it even possible to make a revolution here, up against such powerful forces of oppression and repression? Which were the key forces that had to be mobilized to have a real chance to carry out such a revolution? What kind of leadership was needed, and what methods and approaches should that leadership be based on? The difficulties in confronting and seeking the answers to these hard questions, combined with brutal and often murderous repression by the powers-that-be, led many revolutionary organizations, including the Black Panther Party, to split and end up departing from the road that could lead to real revolution.

    By this time, partly because of the influence of the Black Panther Party, which had popularized the “Red Book” of quotations from the Chinese communist leader Mao Zedong, BA had become convinced not only that revolution was necessary, and was possible, but that it had to be led by a vanguard force that based itself on the scientific method and approach of communism, as it had been developed initially by Karl Marx, then further developed by V.I. Lenin, the leader of the Russian Revolution in the early part of the 20th century, and then in turn further developed by Mao, who led the Chinese revolution and the new, socialist society in China, until his death in 1976. BA led in the formation of the Revolutionary Union at the end of the 1960s, with the aim of working toward the establishment of the vanguard party of revolution, based on the science of communism. During the first part of the 1970s, BA was both the practical leader and the leading theoretician of the Revolutionary Union, writing much of the essays and polemics for its theoretical journal Red Papers. This included major articles, particularly in Red Papers 5 and 6, that involved groundbreaking scientific materialist analysis of the situation of Black people, historically and down to the present—how and why their particular conditions of oppression had changed, from the time of slavery to the present era, and how this objectively put Black people in a potentially powerful position to be a driving force not only for their own liberation but for the communist revolution whose fundamental aim is the abolition of all oppression and exploitation. These articles included powerful polemics, arguing against positions and programs that would not lead to, but would actually work against, this liberation and the revolutionary transformation of the world as a whole.

    In 1975, with BA’s leadership, the Revolutionary Communist Party was founded, with the aim of being the vanguard force for the revolution that was, and continues to be, profoundly necessary. Over the decades since then, BA has fought to keep that Party on the revolutionary road and to bring forward new revolutionary forces to revitalize and strengthen the vanguard forces for the revolution that is now, all the more urgently, required. While continuing to provide practical guidance to the revolutionary forces, BA, through summing up the experience (positive and negative) of the communist movement, and drawing from a broad range of human experience, has brought forward a new synthesis of communism (also referred to as the new communism) which, most decisively, has established communism on an even more consistently scientific basis. As BA’s Official Biography explains, the new communism “is a continuation of, but also represents a qualitative leap beyond, and in some important ways a break with, communist theory as it had been previously developed. It provides the basis—the science, the strategy, and the leadership—for an actual revolution and a radically new society on the road to real emancipation.”3

    A defining part of this new communism is the emphasis it gives to the struggle for the liberation of Black people, and the relation of this to the ending of all oppression. And this has continued to stand out in BA’s leadership role and work over the decades, up to the present.  At revcom.us there is a special section, Bob Avakian on The Oppression of Black People & the Revolutionary Struggle to End All Oppressionwhich contains clips from films and selections from the writings of BA on this question. The following are just a few examples of important works and leadership by Bob Avakian, over the past few decades, that speak to this decisive question.

    The book Reflections, Sketches & Provocations, written by Bob Avakian during the 1980s, contains a number of commentaries, speaking in a number of dimensions to the oppression of Black people and the struggle against this oppression, including support for rebellions following the murder of Black people by police. This book begins with the essay “Hill Street Bullshit, Richard Pryor Routines, and the Real Deal,” which powerfully exposes how terror against Black people, and other oppressed people, is “part of the job” of the police—and is “a reward” for carrying out the role of maintaining the “law and order” that keeps the oppressed in their desperate and miserable conditions. Going deeper, it speaks to how this is rooted in this system of capitalism-imperialism, which has had this oppression built into it from the very beginning.

    In the 1990s, BA raised the idea that there should be a day, every year, when people mobilized to protest police brutality, mass incarceration and repression by the government. This proposal was taken up and a broad coalition, including family members of people killed by police, was formed to initiate, in 1996, the National Day of Protest to Stop Police Brutality, Repression, and the Criminalization of a Generation. At its height, over the next decade, this National Day of Protest, held every October 22nd, rallied thousands of people in dozens of cities across the country. And activities by people who have been part of this coalition have continued since then.

    During the past two decades, BA has given a number of filmed speeches, and written articles, essays and books, in which the liberation of Black people and its crucial relation to the communist revolution, aiming for the emancipation of all humanity, has been a major question.

    BA’s 2003 speech Revolution: Why It’s Necessary, Why It’s Possible, What It’s All About, begins with a searing exposure and condemnation of lynching, and speaks to the horrific reality of slavery and the oppression of Black people down to today, including the continual murder of Black people by police.3

    In 2006, BA gave a series of 7 Talks, in which once again the oppression of Black people, and the struggle for their liberation, is a major theme. One of these 7 Talks, Communism and Jeffersonian Democracy, begins by speaking to the experience of Black people in this country; and the question of slavery and the overall oppression of Black people is, of course, a major part of this talk. It is in Communism and Jeffersonian Democracy that the following is clearly stated:

    There would be no United States as we now know it today without slavery. That is a simple and basic truth.

    (This is also the very first statement in BAsics, from the talks and writings of Bob Avakian, the handbook for revolution.)3

    At the beginning of BA Speaks: Revolution—Nothing Less!, in 2012, this point is stated emphatically:

    Let’s start with just one great crime of this system: police murder—after murder—after murder—of Black people and Latinos, especially youth.3

    This is part of the powerful exposure in this speech of the role that continuing murders by police play in enforcing this monstrous system of exploitation and oppression, the system of capitalism-imperialism.

    At the beginning of his October 2017 speech The Trump/Pence Regime Must Go! In the Name of Humanity, We REFUSE To Accept a Fascist America, A Better World IS Possible,  BA speaks powerfully to the horrors of slavery in this country—including the rape by slavemasters of huge numbers of enslaved women. This speech shows how the murderous oppression of Black people, continuing down to today, is one of the main roots of the fascism that has come to power in this country with the Trump/Pence regime; and, in this speech, BA repeatedly returns to the critical importance of the fight against this oppression.3

    BA’s 2018 speech Why We Need An Actual Revolution And How We Can Really Make Revolution begins this way:

    In 2012 in Revolution—Nothing Less! I talked about the outrageous murder of Ramarley Graham earlier that same year—shot down in his own house in the Bronx by the New York City police. He was only 18 years old. Do I have to tell you what “race” he was?! His mother kept saying: “This has to STOP!” And his father repeated over and over: "WHY did they kill my son?! WHY did they kill my son?!" New York cops then loudly rallied around their fellow pig who murdered Ramarley in cold blood, viciously taunting Ramarley's family and loved ones, demonstrating yet one more time the ugly truth that, in the way this country has been built, and for the powers-that-be in this country, the humanity of Black people has never counted for anything—they have never been valued as human beings, but only as things to be exploited, oppressed, and repressed. Six years later, and with cold-blooded murders by police continuing in an unbroken chain, I will say again what I said then: How many more times does this have to happen? How many more times do the tears and the cries of anguish and anger have to pour forth from the wounded hearts of people?! How many more times, when another of these outrageous murders is perpetrated by the police, do we have to hear those words that pour gasoline on the already burning wounds: “justifiable homicide, justified use of force” by police?! How many more?!3

    In that 2018 speech, BA not only powerfully exposes once again the horrific oppression that this system of capitalism-imperialism inflicts on Black people, and on other oppressed people in this country and throughout the world, and the grave danger this system poses to the very future of humanity; he also lays out in this speech (and in a more recent article A Real Revolution—A Real Chance To Win, Further Developing the Strategy for Revolution3) the strategic approach that could make it possible for this system to be finally overthrown through a revolution in which millions and millions of people are led to fight to put an end to this system and bring a radically different and much better system into being.

    In the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, authored by BA, a sweeping vision and concrete blueprint for that radically different and much better system is set forth. And the principles and means for finally putting an end, at long last, to the oppression of Black people is a major part of that Constitution.3

    This year (2020), BA has written as many as 30 articles in which this decisive question—the oppression, and the struggle for the liberation, of Black people—is a recurring subject.3

    In the speeches and writings of BA overall, there is not only powerful, penetrating exposure and uncompromising condemnation of brutal and murderous oppression but, even more importantly, there is scientific analysis of how all this is rooted in this system of capitalism-imperialism and of the need, the possibility, and the means for making revolution to overthrow this system and finally put an end to all the outrageous and unnecessary suffering that the masses of humanity are continually subjected to under this system.

    ***

    It is a very precious thing for the oppressed of the earth when they have a leader whose life is dedicated to their emancipation, and who has the determination, and the scientific method, developed over decades, to point the way, and continue to carve out the path, to achieving that emancipation. BA is such a leader. As emphasized in the article Bob Avakian: A Radically Different Leader—A Whole New Framework For Human Emancipation:

    As a revolutionary leader, BA also embodies this rare combination: someone who has been able to develop scientific theory on a world-class level, while at the same time having a deep understanding of and visceral connection with the most oppressed, and a highly developed ability to “break down” complex theory and make it broadly accessible.3

    One of the things that most distinguishes BA’s role as a revolutionary leader is his willingness—indeed, his insistence—on telling people the truth, even when they may not want to hear it. This comes through in the way BA exposes and refutes unscientific ways of thinking—all kinds of “conspiracy” theories and superstitious ideas—that lead people, including the most bitterly oppressed people, away from understanding the world as it actually is, and keep them from seeing not just the need, but the possibility, of radically changing the world, in a way that will lead to ending oppression. A big problem that BA has taken on, straight-up, is the role of religion as a mental chain on the masses of Black people, and other oppressed people, and the need to break this chain in order to most powerfully wage the struggle to finally be free of all oppression. BA has repeatedly emphasized that, in order to end oppression, “you have to want revolution badly enough to be scientific about it.”

    Science means judging whether something is true, or not, by whether there is evidence that it actually corresponds to reality—and not believing something because it makes you feel good to believe it, or not refusing to believe something because it makes you uncomfortable. In the article Conspiracy Theories, Fascist “Certitude,” Liberal Paralysis, Or A Scientific Approach To Changing The World, BA has spoken directly to this problem:

    many of the basic masses, who are bitterly oppressed under this system, also are suspicious of and even are inclined to reject science and scientifically-grounded analysis. But this also leaves you vulnerable to all kinds of unfounded “conspiracy theories” and other wrong and harmful ideas, including the notion that nothing people do will make a difference because “it’s all in god’s hands.”3

    In the 2014 Dialogue with Cornel West (REVOLUTION AND RELIGION: The Fight for Emancipation and the Role of Religion), which took place during the upsurge of protest and rebellion in response to the murder of Mike Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, while speaking to the importance of uniting people broadly in the struggle against oppression, including people who hold religious views, BA also emphasized that the revolution that is needed to finally put an end to oppression must be led with a scientific, not a religious, outlook and method.3

    From the start of the article Bob Avakian On Emancipation From Mental Slavery And All Oppression, written this year (2020), BA does not hold back in speaking to these critical questions:

    In 1863, mid-way in the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln finally issued the Emancipation Proclamation and, as a result of the Civil War, Black people were formally freed from literal, physical slavery. But today the question is: When, and how, will Black people finally be free from all forms of slavery and oppression? And this poses straight-up this big question:

    When will Black people finally emancipate themselves from the mental slavery of religion?!....

    Once more, the question is sharply posed: How can Black people be finally and fully emancipated from centuries of oppression, and how does this relate to ending all oppression, of all people, everywhere?

    The answer is that the possibility of this is real, but it can happen only on the basis of a scientific approach to changing the world and the scientifically-grounded understanding that this oppression is rooted in and caused by the system of capitalism-imperialism—the same system that is viciously exploiting and murderously oppressing people not just in this country but all over the world and is plundering the natural environmentand that this system must and can be overthrown through an actual revolution and replaced by a radically different and far better system: socialism, whose final goal is a communist world, without any oppression or exploitation of anyone, anywhere.3

    ***

    From his early years, forging close personal ties with Black people and increasingly learning about their lived experience, to his development as this rare leader who has brought forth the most advanced scientific revolutionary theory with the new communism—a defining part of the life and work of Bob Avakian has been the liberation of Black people from centuries of oppression, and the understanding of how this relates to, and is a crucial driving force in, the communist revolution to finally abolish every form of oppression and exploitation, everywhere.

    BA himself has expressed this in the following poetically powerful statement:

    There is the potential for something of unprecedented beauty to arise out of unspeakable ugliness: Black people playing a crucial role in putting an end, at long last, to this system which has, for so long, not just exploited but dehumanized, terrorized and tormented them in a thousand ways—putting an end to this in the only way it can be done—by fighting to emancipate humanity, to put an end to the long night in which human society has been divided into masters and slaves, and the masses of humanity have been lashed, beaten, raped, slaughtered, shackled and shrouded in ignorance and misery.

     

    Bob Avakian (BA) is the most important political thinker and leader in the world today.

    Get Into BA »


    1. From Ike to Mao and Beyond, My Journey from Mainstream America to Revolutionary CommunistA Memoir by Bob AvakianInsight Press, 2005. [back]

    2. Bob Avakian, THE NEW COMMUNISM: The science, the strategy, the leadership for an actual revolution, and a radically new society on the road to real emancipation, Insight Press, first printing, 2016, pp. 321-22. In addition to THE NEW COMMUNISM, in other recent works by BA—in particular Breakthroughs: The Historic Breakthrough by Marx, and the Further Breakthrough with the New Communism, A Basic Summaryand Hope For Humanity On A Scientific Basis, Breaking with Individualism, Parasitism and American Chauvinism—the oppression and the struggle for the liberation of Black people, and its relation to the emancipation of humanity as a whole, is a prominent subject. These works are available at revcom.us.  [back]

    3. All of these works are available at revcom.us. (Information about how to acquire the print and e-book editions of BAsics can be found at revcom.us. Audio of the 7 Talks is available in BA’s Collected Works at revcom.us; and Communism and Jeffersonian Democracy has been published in a print edition, the text of which can also be found in BA’s Collected Works at revcom.us.)

    The film of the Dialogue between Cornel West and Bob Avakian, REVOLUTION AND RELIGION: The Fight for Emancipation and the Role of Religion, is also available in BA’s Collected Works at revcom.us.

    The article Conspiracy Theories, Fascist “Certitude,” Liberal Paralysis, Or A Scientific Approach To Changing The World (longer and shorter versions) is available at revcom.us as well.

    The importance of Bob Avakian as a revolutionary leader, who has further developed communism as a consistently scientific method and approach, is a central theme in SCIENCE AND REVOLUTION: On the Importance of Science and the Application of Science to Society, the New Synthesis of Communism and the Leadership of Bob Avakian, An Interview with Ardea Skybreak. Ardea Skybreak is a scientist with professional training in ecology and evolutionary biology, who is also the author of the important book THE SCIENCE OF EVOLUTION AND THE MYTH OF CREATIONISM, Knowing What’s Real And Why It Matters. Each of these books by Ardea Skybreak is published by Insight Press, and the Interview with Ardea Skybreak (SCIENCE AND REVOLUTION) is also available at revcom.us

    The following articles, written by Bob Avakian this year (2020), which speak to the oppression of Black people and the struggle to end this oppression, are available as well at revcom.us:

    Donald Trump—Genocidal Racist (Parts 1-10) 

    Racial Oppression Can Be Ended—But Not Under This System

    Police And Prisons: Reformist Illusions And The Revolutionary Solution

    Anything But The Truth—Bob Avakian Exposes Lies, Distortions, Distractions and Evasions About the Murderous Oppression of Black People

    Lynching, Murder By Police—Damn This Whole System! We Don’t Have To Live This Way!

    Bob Avakian On Emancipation From Mental Slavery And All Oppression

    Colin Kaepernick, LeBron James And The Whole Truth

    Donald Trump Isn’t “Tough,” He’s A Bloated Bag Of Fascist Feces

    Bloated Bag Of Fascist Feces Trump Isn’t “Tough”—Part 2: Who Really Has Heart?

    Trump And Pigs: A Racist Love Affair

    Fucker Carlson, Fascist “Fox News” And The Broadcast Of White Supremacy

    Bob Avakian on Black Trump Supporters: What If Jews Had Supported Hitler?!

    Bob Avakian On: A Beautiful Uprising: Right And Wrong, Methods And Principles

    On Statues, Monuments, And Celebrating—Or Ending—Oppression

    Fascists Today And The Confederacy: A Direct Line, A Direct Connection Between All The Oppression

    Patriarchy And Male Supremacy, Or Revolution And Ending All Oppression

    Sounding Like Southern Segregationists: It’s Not Just Trump—It’s Democrats Too

    Bob Avakian Brings Out the Truth: Barack Obama Says Police Murdering Black People Should Not Be Normal—Unless He’s President

    Bob Avakian On Ugly Words & Phrases

    Bob Avakian On Tulsa Racist Mobs

    A Real Revolution--A Real Chance To Win: Further Developing the Strategy for Revolution

    [back]

     

  • ARTICLE:

    RACIAL OPPRESSION
    CAN BE ENDED—
    BUT NOT UNDER THIS SYSTEM

    Everywhere we go, and in everything we do, we revcoms boldly put forward: REVOLUTION—NOTHING LESS!

    This is not just a slogan—though it is a very good and very important slogan. It is the concentrated statement of a very profound truth, which is also captured in our slogan: This System Cannot Be Reformed—It Must Be Overthrown!

    But what do we mean in saying that this system cannot be reformed, and why is that true? In Why We Need An Actual Revolution And How We Can Really Make Revolution, I speak to the “5 STOPS”—deep and defining contradictions of this system—and all the terrible suffering to which this system of capitalism-imperialism subjects the masses of humanity, and why all this cannot be ended under this system.1 Here I am going to focus on the systematic and murderous oppression of Black people, and racial oppression overall—which has been sharply exposed with the outpouring of outrage sparked by the murder of George Floyd—and discuss the basic reasons why this oppression cannot be eliminated under this system, but can (only) be ended through revolution.

    The continuing terror and murder carried out by the police particularly against Black people (as well as Latinos and Native Americans) is not fundamentally because the police are racist—although, speaking of the police overall, that is certainly true. The fact that the police are racist is itself an expression and a function of the fact that terror and murder against Black people (and other people of color) is required by this system—is necessary in order to maintain the “order” of this all-around oppressive system—and this would be much more difficult to carry out if the police were not racist.

    The Fundamental Causes of This Oppression

    But, going deeper, why is this terror and murder necessary for this system, in order to ensure its “order” and its ongoing functioning? The answer is that, from the beginning of this country, white supremacy has been poured into the foundation and built into the institutions and the ongoing functioning of this system. Specifically with regard to Black people, the centuries of oppression they have suffered—from slavery days to the days of Jim Crow segregation and Ku Klux Klan terror, to the present time, with the continuing systematic discrimination against Black people, in every part of society (employment, housing, education, health care, and on and on)—all this has resulted in a situation where masses of Black people today, and in particular youth, have been robbed of a means for a decent life, with many maintained in conditions of desperate poverty and deprivation. This, again, is not simply because those who are in the seats of power and deciding government policy are racist (though that is true of most of them). It is fundamentally because of the nature of the system itself and the historically-evolved requirements and dynamics of this system of capitalism-imperialism.

    Now, that is a big mouthful (“the nature of the system itself and the historically-evolved requirements and dynamics of this system of capitalism-imperialism”), so let’s break it down. This country was founded on the enslavement of masses of African people, as well as the genocidal subjugation of Native Americans and theft of their land (and its further development involved the conquest of huge parts of Mexico, reducing people of Mexican origin to second-class status as well). This required the propagation of racism to “justify” all the horrific oppression. Then, when the Civil War broke out over the question of slavery, and even when slavery was abolished as a result of that Civil War, given that white supremacy had been, and remained, such a crucial part of the “glue” holding the country together, the only way to “put it back together,” on the foundation of the capitalist system, was to once again forcefully assert white supremacy. That is why, very soon after the end of the Civil War, Black people were subjected to the system of Jim Crow segregation (backed up by systematic terror, punctuated by repeated lynchings), while the genocidal aggression against and theft of the land of Native Americans was stepped up, and immigrants from Mexico were subjected to ongoing discrimination and violence by the enforcers of this system.

    Generations later, during World War 2, because of the needs of the rulers of this country in waging that war, large numbers of Black people were able to migrate to the North and get jobs in industries that served the war effort. And then, largely as a result of the fact that the U.S. was on the winning side of that war—and the fact that the war was not fought on its territory and it experienced no damage to its industrial facilities and infrastructure—there was an expansion of the economy in this country after the war. In this situation, significant numbers of Black people were able to continue getting employment in large numbers, including some better-paying jobs in factories (making steel, cars, and so on).

    But, at the same time, because of the white supremacy built into the system over centuries—and the fact that really moving to overcome this would tear apart the fabric of the system and crack its very foundation—Black people continued to be subjected to systematic discrimination, including in employment (with “last hired and first fired” an accurate description of the situation of Black people with regard to employment). To cite another ugly example, government policy with regard to housing involved conscious, deliberate discrimination: after World War 2, loans were given to white people to enable them to buy their own homes, and increasingly move to the suburbs, while this was denied to Black veterans (and others) and instead Black people were piled into segregated housing projects in the inner cities. And this was part of the continuing systematic segregation and discrimination to which Black people were subjected.

    As a result of the Civil Rights movement and then the more radical Black liberation movement in the 1960s, some concessions were made, and there has been an increase in the number of “Black faces in high places” and a growth of the Black middle class, although their situation is far more precarious than that of white middle class people (something which was cruelly demonstrated in the 2008 crisis, which resulted in large numbers of Black people losing their homes and much, if not all, of any savings they had). And, in more recent times, huge numbers of factories and other sources of jobs for people in the inner city have closed down, often moving their operations elsewhere—particularly to countries in the Third World (Latin America, Africa, the Middle East and Asia) where the desperate situation of masses of people, including children, has left them vulnerable to being super-exploited, at near-starvation wages.

    All this, together with increased automation and “cybernation” of production, when combined with the ongoing segregation and discrimination built into this system, has led to a situation where huge numbers of Black people, and especially youth, have, for generations now, not only been unemployed but are left with no prospect of meaningful employment in the regular (“formal”) economy.

    The “Toxic Combination” of Capitalism and Racism

    Here we see the “toxic combination” of systematic, historically-evolved segregation and discrimination, enforced with brutal violence by the powers-that-be, together with the basic functioning and requirements of the capitalist economy—which involves the greater and greater concentration not just of wealth, but of the means of production (technology, factories and other physical structures, sources of raw materials, and so on) in the possession and under the control of large-scale capitalist enterprises and financial institutions, which are locked in cut-throat competition with each other, not just within a particular country but increasingly on a global scale, and are therefore driven to ruthlessly exploit people and constantly search for ways to even more viciously super-exploit large numbers of desperate people, including children, in a worldwide network of sweatshops. (For example, cell phones and computers depend on the mineral coltan which is mined under horrific conditions by people, including large numbers of children, in the Congo in Africa; and a large part of the clothes that are bought in the U.S. are produced by huge numbers of women working in horrific conditions in the Asian country of Bangladesh.)

    In this situation, and especially with the growth of the international drug trade, and its deep penetration into the U.S., many of those, in particular youth, who found themselves locked out of the “formal economy,” have turned to drug-dealing, as well as other criminal activity—something which has been encouraged by government policy that has actually resulted in the movement of large amounts of drugs into the inner city, even as the authorities seize on this situation to carry out systematic repression against the youth in particular, with such things as “stop and frisk.” The result of all this has been a huge increase in mass incarceration, as well as the continual murder of large numbers of “minority” youth by police.

    At the same time, the way that the U.S. has continued to dominate Mexico, as well as other parts of Latin America, and to distort the economies, corrupt the governments and bring ruin to the social relations among the people in those countries—all this has resulted in large numbers of people being forced to flee those countries and migrate to the U.S., where they are vulnerable to being viciously exploited in factories and farmlands, and other parts of the economy of this country. And large numbers of the younger generations of these immigrants have also formed (or joined existing) gangs and become involved in the drug trade and related crime.

    More recently, however, in at least many of the inner-city neighborhoods, for a number of reasons—including the fact that the “crack epidemic” had taken a terrible toll on people—there has been a decrease in the trade in cocaine and the high profits this brought for the relatively small number of “higher-ups” in the drug trade hierarchy. For a period, particularly during the 1980s and 1990s, given their desolation and desperation, the drug trade was a “major employer” of youth in the inner cities, female as well as male, and a major source of at least a basic income for many (even if the promise of “getting rich” remained an illusion for most). Now, even this source of employment and income—as perverse and harmful as it is—has dried up or greatly diminished for many. This has further added to the miserable situation of massive numbers of inner-city youth in particular who have no future—under this system—no future but prison, an early death or a life of desperate hustling, in one form or another, in the attempt to survive and care for loved ones.

    All this cannot be changed—cannot be transformed and overcome—within the confines of this system. Despite what any politician (“liberal” or outright fascist like Trump) may say, there is no way that this system could “reverse itself,” bring large parts of industry back to the inner city and provide meaningful employment, with “a living wage” for all those it is now depriving of this. Even if the government had the “political will” to try to do this, doing so (with the employment of millions of formerly unemployed or “underemployed” people at a “living wage”) would seriously undermine the competitive positions of American capitalists in the global economy. And, if they attempted to do this while at the same time trying to seriously overcome the whole historically-evolved relations of white supremacy, this would completely disrupt the social “cohesion” that “holds this country together,” with white supremacy a crucial part of this.

    It is one thing for “good-hearted people”—and in particular many white people—to say (and sincerely mean) that it is wrong for the police to just wantonly, cruelly murder people, and to mobilize in protest against this. But imagine what would happen if, under this system and with the way its economy functions, the government tried to adopt policies that would deal with the long-term unemployment of Black people in the inner cities, who have not only been denied jobs but also the training for the jobs that do exist—imagine what the reaction would be of many white people who would in fact lose their better-off positions as a result of these policies. Imagine what would happen if these kinds of policies were applied not just to employment, but to education, and on down the line. (We have already seen the “backlash” that was fostered in response to even minimal efforts to implement “affirmative action” programs in employment and education.)

    Again, this is not simply a matter that “white people are racist.” Many are racist, although many do not want to be. But the deeper problem is that given the basic way the capitalist economy works, and how everyone is encouraged to be “out for yourself”—and, more fundamentally, the fact that people are actually driven and compelled to compete with each other in every significant part of life, including employment and education—it would actually create destructive chaos and conflict among the people, and tear apart the “cohesion” of the society, to try to really and fully undo and overcome the reality and effects of centuries of racist oppression—under this system.

    This most definitely and emphatically is NOT an argument for holding back from struggling against every form of discrimination, inequality and oppression in every part of society. Fighting back against oppression, and wrenching concessions from the powers-that-be, is very important—in enabling masses of people to feel their own strength in standing up and standing together in opposing oppression, and drawing people from all parts of society to join in this struggle—rather than feeling isolated, beaten down and hopeless. And it is important in contributing to the ability of masses of people to gain the understanding and build up the organization necessary for the final all-out struggle to bring down the whole oppressive system. But that is just the point—as important as these mass struggles are, if they are not built toward, and do not finally get to the point of, taking on the whole system, with the aim of bringing it down, and bringing something much better into being, then, as I have emphasized before, even where concessions are won, “so long as this system remains in power, there will be powerful forces who will move to attack and undermine, and seek to reverse, even these partial gains,” and people will remain oppressed and once more weighed down with a feeling of demoralization, as they are once again divided and pitted against each other.2

    The basic and crucial point is that the fight against racial oppression (and all oppression) must not remain confined within the limits of this system, and instead must be carried out and carried forward as part of the overall struggle toward the goal of abolishing this system. The fact that this oppression cannot be abolished under this system is not a reason for giving up in despair—it is a compelling reason why this system must be and can be abolishedand it is the fundamental basis for why people can be won to wage the revolutionary struggle to finally bring it down!

    All this is why there will not be any real and meaningful move by the powers-that-be (and any of its politicians and political parties) to overcome the centuries-long experience and legacy of brutal racist oppression and the situation it has led to today, where millions and millions of Black youth and other youth of color have no prospect of a decent future—under this system.

    As I have pointed out before: “So what does this system do with youth that have no future and no prospects? It contains them.... contains them violently.”3

    And all this is why there is systemic and systematic police terror directed at Black people and other people of color. It is why this is brought down not only on the youth (and others) in the inner cities, but why it can and does lead to harassment, brutality and murder of any Black person, anywhere, even those with more education and status in society. If the system needs the police to “violently contain” the masses of people in the inner cities—and it does—then this is bound to “spill over” and be applied to Black people, and other people of color, more generally. The police have neither the interests, nor the ability, nor the will to make distinctions between “good” ....... (fill in the blank as to what racist terms they use) and “bad” ones. And, beyond that, the “random” nature of the brutality and murder makes it all the more effective in terrorizing people—making everyone, even the “better off,” feel, correctly, that they could be a target of this.

    There IS a Solution: Revolution and a Radically New and Different World

    It is for all these reasons that racist oppression will continue so long as people are living under the domination of this system of capitalism-imperialism. It is not only right but crucially important to rise up and wage a determined fight against this, but it is also crucial to recognize that this racist oppression will never be, can never be, eliminated under this system—and, to finally put an end to it, we need a radically different system.

    We need a radically different economic system—a socialist economic system (mode of production) that is geared to and proceeds by developing and utilizing the means of production collectively, to meet the needs of the masses of people, materially (for employment, food, housing, health care, and so on) as well as their needs intellectually and culturally, and to provide them with the means not only to live a life worthy of human beings, but also to scientifically understand the basis and need, and to more and more consciously take part in, carrying forward the transformation of society to finally and completely eliminate all relations of oppression and exploitation, and to support that struggle throughout the world. And, as one of its highest priorities and goals, this will involve the determined struggle to overcome and finally eliminate racial oppression in every aspect of society.

    The radically different socialist economy (mode of production) will provide the foundation on which the ongoing process of uprooting racial oppression, and all oppression, can be waged on favorable ground, and can finally succeed in overcoming all this. The following from my work Breakthroughs speaks to this key relation and process:

    Ultimately, the mode of production sets the foundation and the limits of change, in terms of how you address any social problem, such as the oppression of women, or the oppression of Black people or Latinos, or the contradiction between mental work and manual work, or the situation with the environment, or the situation of immigrants, and so on. While all those things have reality and dynamics in their own right, and aren’t reducible to the economic system, they all take place within the framework and within the fundamental dynamics of that economic system; and that economic system, that mode of production, sets the foundation and the ultimate limits of change in regard to all those social questions. So, if you want to get rid of all these different forms of oppression, you have to address them in their own right, but you also have to fundamentally change the economic system to give you the ability to be able to carry through those changes in fundamental terms. To put it another way: You have to have an economic system that doesn’t prevent you from making those changes, and instead not only allows but provides a favorable foundation for making those changes.4

    The Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America provides a sweeping vision and concrete blueprint for such a radically different economic system, and for government institutions, laws and a legal system, as well as an approach to education, science, art and culture that go along with this mode of production and contribute to its continual development, opening the way to finally eliminating all oppression and exploitation.5 And in Why We Need An Actual Revolution And How We Can Really Make Revolution (as well as other works of mine) the basic strategy is spelled out for carrying out the revolution that will make it possible to apply this Constitution in working to bring about a world free of all the unnecessary suffering and madness to which the masses of humanity are subjected under the domination of this system of capitalism-imperialism.

    This is why, and this is how, racial oppression, and all the oppression, which is built into this system of capitalism-imperialism, can be ended—but only through a revolution to abolish this system.

    This is why we continue to emphasize this basic truth: we have two choices: either, live with all this—and condemn future generations to the same, or worse, if they have a future at all—or, make revolution!

    This is why we continue to boldly raise the slogan: REVOLUTION—NOTHING LESS!

     

    1. The text and video of this speech by Bob Avakian (Why We Need An Actual Revolution And How We Can Really Make Revolution) is available at revcom.us. [back]

    2. The statement quoted in this part of this article is from Why We Need An Actual Revolution And How We Can Really Make Revolution. [back]

    3. Bob Avakian On Police Brutality And Murder: Consent Decrees Won’t Stop This—We Need A Revolution! This excerpt from a Question and Answer Session with Bob Avakian, after his presentation in 2018 in Chicago of the speech Why We Need An Actual Revolution And How We Can Really Make Revolution, is also available at revcom.us. [back]

    4. This statement is contained in Breakthroughs: The Historic Breakthrough by Marx, and the Further Breakthrough with the New Communism, A Basic Summary, by Bob Avakian, which is available at revcom.us. It originally appeared in the book by Bob Avakian, The New Communism: The science, the strategy, the leadership for an actual revolution, and a radically new society on the road to real emancipation, Insight Press, 2016. Italics in the original. [back]

    5. The Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, authored by Bob Avakian, is also available at revcom.us. [back]

    Communism and Jeffersonian Democracy cover
    Communism and Jeffersonian Democracy cover

     

    The New Communism
    The New Communism

     

    Read THE NEW COMMUNISM

    The science, the strategy, the leadership for an actual revolution, and a radically new society on the road to real emancipation

    by Bob Avakian

    Download PDF of book

  • ARTICLE:

    ABOLITION—REAL AND ILLUSORY

    Today, there are people who call themselves “abolitionists.” In addition to the abolition of literal slavery remaining in the world today, for some “abolition” means the ending not only of the racial discrimination that exists throughout the law and the application of the law in this country, and the mass incarceration that is bound up with this, but the ending of a society that requires and institutionalizes these outrages. But what these abolitionists do not say—and what is critically important to recognize, and act on—is the truth that it will require the revolutionary overthrow of this system of capitalism-imperialism and its replacement by a socialist system, aiming for the final goal of communism, in order to bring about a society, and world, that will actually do away with and move beyond racial oppression, in every form, as well as all other relations of oppression and exploitation.

    An article on revcom.us states this very basic and crucial truth:

    You cannot bring a radically different and emancipating society into being, moving to abolish all oppression and exploitation, without breaking the capitalists’ violent hold over society (the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie) and establishing a radically different socialist form of rule (the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat). And only with this socialist system can you give the most powerful support to the revolutionary struggle throughout the world.13

    Without this, there is simply no way to abolish the systematic discrimination, brutality and outright murder by police, and no way to do away with the mass incarceration and what amounts to torture in prison of millions of especially Black and Latino men (and growing numbers of women). To speak bluntly: Regardless of their intent, those who talk of “abolition,” without talking about the need for this revolution, are “the foolish victims of deceit and self-deceit” (to invoke an important formulation from Lenin, the leader of the Russian Revolution of 1917, who made crucially important contributions to communist theory).

    In a previous article (“Police and Prisons: Reformist Illusions and the Revolutionary Solution”), I have made a scientific analysis of why the idea of abolishing (or “defunding”) the police and abolishing prisons under this system is a serious and harmful illusion.14 And, as a matter of fact, as spoken to in the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, which I have authored, even in the fundamentally different and emancipating society for which this Constitution provides a sweeping vision and concrete blueprint, there will still be a need for security forces and prisons, although these institutions will be radically different and serve radically different purposes than institutions of this kind (police and prisons) under this system of capitalism-imperialism.15

    And here the question is sharply posed: If you really want to abolish prisons and police that embody and enforce terrible, murderous injustice—if you really want to abolish systematic, systemic and institutionalized white supremacy—why not dedicate your efforts to abolishing this whole system that requires all this, and replacing it with a system that does not?

    Why not become actively involved in the movement, led by the new communism, to prepare for and then carry out an actual revolution to overthrow this system, and bring something much better into being, aiming for the abolition of all exploitation and oppression, everywhere, as set forth in the Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America?

    That is an abolition really worth dedicating your life to.

    _______________

    FOOTNOTES:

    1. “Questions That Come Up... And Answers: On Revolution And The Need For The Scientific Leadership Of Bob Avakian. On Dictatorship, The Need For Revolution, And What Comes Next.” This article is available at revcom.us (emphasis in the original). [back]

    2. This article by Bob Avakian (“Police and Prisons: Reformist Illusions and the Revolutionary Solution”) is part of a collection of articles, Bob Avakian: Writings in 2020—A Momentous Year, which is available at revcom.us. [back]

    3. The Constitution for the New Socialist Republic in North America, authored by Bob Avakian, is also available at revcom.us. [back]